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A Nexus of Sensationalism and Politics

Doar Ha-Yom and the 1929 Western Wall Crisis

Ouzi Elyada

This article looks at how a group of radical Revisionist journalists who assumed effective control of the newspaper Doar Ha-Yom in July 1929 attempted to fuse politics and sensationalism against the background of the Western Wall affair that, in late August of that year, evolved into the violent incidents collectively known as the 1929 riots (or massacres). Examination of the paper during the month preceding the riots shows clearly that its editors made a systematic attempt to inflame the Jewish population of Mandate Palestine. These sensationalist editing techniques, reminiscent of the pamphleteer style, were employed not only to sell more copies of the paper, as had been the case before the Revisionists took control, but also to advance Revisionist political goals. The article examines the model that the Revisionists used to shape their incendiary strategy, the provocative process itself, and the question of the editors’ responsibility for the 1929 riots.

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Campesinos del Nudo del Paramillo

Entre la guerra y el desarrollismo

Andrés Tavera Franco

*Full article is in Spanish

English abstract: This article examines collective actions led by peasant communities in the Paramillo Massif in Colombia. It juxtaposes these locally defined development proposals focused on maintaining the balance between society and the environment with dominant neoliberal development models implemented by the Colombian State that promote developmentalism and seemingly exacerbate armed conflict in the country. The article frames this analysis within the context of political ecology, with the purpose of questioning the ideological bases for large-scale development that negatively impacts local communities both socially and environmentally.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo examina acciones colectivas lideradas por comunidades campesinas en el Nudo del Paramillo, Colombia. El autor yuxtapone estas propuestas de desarrollo definidas localmente centradas en mantener el equilibrio entre la sociedad y el medio ambiente, con modelos dominantes de desarrollo neoliberal implementados por el Estado colombiano que promueven el desarrollismo y aparentemente exacerban los conflictos armados en el país. El artículo enmarca este análisis dentro del contexto de la ecología política, con el propósito de cuestionar las bases ideológicas para el desarrollo a gran escala que impacta negativamente a las comunidades locales tanto social como ambientalmente.

French abstract: Cet article examine les actions collectives menées par des communautés paysannes du Nudo del Paramillo, en Colombie. Il juxtapose les propositions de développement définies à l’échelle locale et centrées sur le maintien d’un équilibre entre la société et l’environnement avec les modèles de développement néolibéral mis en oeuvre par l’État colombien qui promeuvent le développementalisme et exacerbent apparemment le conflit armé dans le pays. L’article formule cette analyse dans le contexte de l’écologie politique, dans le but de questionner les bases idéologiques d’un développement à grande échelle qui a des impacts négatifs sur les communautés aussi bien sur le plan social qu’environnemental.

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Inclusive innovation and sustainable development in affordable habitat

From the linear intervention model to Social Technological Systems

Facundo Picabea

English abstract: In the last thirty years, Latin America has seen a significant growth in a set of approaches, schools of thought and social movements, which posit that is impossible to effect a transformation in the region without processes focused on inclusion and democracy. Recent analyses on some of these trends reveal the existence of linear and deterministic assumptions in the various models used to address the issue. From the analytical dimension to the regulatory, this work puts forward an inclusive and participatory development model. Unlike technological systems based on income maximization, private appropriation and benefit restriction, Social Technological Systems represent a systemic strategic vision: new development paths, new ways of thinking about problems and socio-technical solutions, and new ways of exercising democracy.

Spanish abstract: En los últimos treinta años, América Latina ha visto crecer significativamente un conjunto de enfoques, corrientes y movimientos sociales que sostienen la imposibilidad de transformar la región si no es a través de procesos que valoricen la inclusión y la democracia. Recientes análisis sobre algunas de estas corrientes ponen en evidencia la continuidad de supuestos lineales y deterministas. De la dimensión analítica a la regulatoria, este trabajo propone un modelo de desarrollo inclusivo y participativo. Frente a los sistemas tecnológicos basados en la maximización de la renta, la apropiación privada y la restricción de los beneficios, los Sistemas Tecnológicos Sociales responden a una visión estratégica sistémica: nuevos senderos de desarrollo, nuevas formas de concebir problemas y soluciones socio-técnicas, nuevas formas de ejercer la democracia.

French abstract: Durant les trente dernières années, l’Amérique latine a connu la croissance significative d’un ensemble d’approches, d’écoles de pensée et de mouvements sociaux qui revendiquent l’impossibilité d’une transformation dans la région sans processus inclusifs et démocratiques. Des analyses récentes de certaines de ces tendances révèlent l’existence de suppositions linéaires et déterministes dans les modèles utilisés. Partant d’une dimension analytique vers une perspective règlementaire, ce travail revendique un modèle de développement inclusif et participatif. A la différence des systèmes technologiques fondés sur la maximisation des revenus, l’appropriation privée et la restriction des bénéfices, les Systèmes Sociaux Technologiques représentent une vision systémique stratégique : des voies et des manières nouvelles pour penser les problèmes et les solutions sociotechniques et des formes novatrices d’exercice démocratique.

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"The Master Plan is a Master Killer"

Land dispossession and powerful resistance in Oromia, Ethiopia

Gutu Olana Wayessa

English abstract: Land is a key resource and an epicenter of struggle in Ethiopia, as indicated by the incident that sparked a powerful protest in Oromia in 2015. The protest quickly galvanized against the Addis Ababa Master Plan, which government officials represented as a “development plan,” while the protesters counter-framed it as a “Master Killer,” highlighting the immanent risks of land dispossession and displacement of people. This article employs a political-ecological approach to examine environmental, socio-cultural, and political-economic implications of the Master Plan and the resistance against it as a signifier of wider issues of contestation connected to land and displacement. It highlights contemporary grievances of the Oromo people in relation to unresolved historical questions and outlines the responses of the government to the protest.

Spanish abstract: La tierra es un recurso clave y un epicentro de lucha en Etiopía. En el 2015 surgió una poderosa protesta en Oromia contra el Plan Maestro de Addis Abeba, presentado por el gobierno como un “plan de desarrollo”, mientras que los manifestantes lo enmarcaron como un “Asesino Maestro”, destacando los inminentes riesgos de la desposesión de tierras y el desplazamiento de personas. Este artículo emplea un enfoque político-ecológico para examinar las implicaciones ambientales, socioculturales y político-económicas del Plan Maestro y la resistencia en su contra como resultado de temas más amplios de disputa relacionados con la tierra y el desplazamiento. Destaca las quejas contemporáneas de la gente de Oromo en relación con preguntas históricas no resueltas y describe las respuestas del gobierno a la protesta.

French abstract: La terre est une ressource clef et un motif central de conflit en Éthiopie. Les circonstances actuelles du pays accentuent cette tendance historique. En témoigne la protestation des Oromos contre le Programme Directeur d’Addis-Abeba que les fonctionnaires présentent comme un programme de développement alors que les protestataires le désignent comme “un maître-tueur”, en pointant les risques de dépossession de la terre et de déplacement de populations qui lui sont inhérents. Cet article utilise une approche d’écologie politique pour examiner ses implications dans le sens d’une protestation autour de la terre et du déplacement. Il analyse le programme directeur et la protestation des Oromos dans le cadre des principes idéologiques et structurels du gouvernement, de ses politiques et de ses pratiques.

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Sandy Astrid Medina Valdivia

Regions & Cohesion is proud to present three photographs by Sandy Astrid Medina Valdivia that describe her research visit to a fishing community in the State of Guerrero in Southern Mexico. “El Veinte” is self-named “a community of fishermen and fisherwomen,” which is well recognized in the region. For more than 50 years they have forged a close relationship with the Laguna de Nuxco coastal wetland, as this has provided them with various survival benefits. These images reflect the livelihood of the community: their fishing activity, which in fact represents their major economic income immersed in a sustainable relationship with the environment that shapes their way of life.

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Harlan Koff and Carmen Maganda

June 5 is World Environment Day, also known as Eco-day. It is an environmental awareness day run by the United Nations (UN). Of course, the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda, also run by the UN, now dominates our discussions of sustainability in global affairs. However, localized visions of sustainable development continue to thrive. These development models are based on local movements that include a variety of actors with concrete grievances and focused visions for the futures of their communities. These movements and visions are relevant for World Environment Day because they reflect the spirit of this initiative through grassroots activities.

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Suzanne Graham and Victoria Graham

English abstract: Apart from Mauritius, five of the six African small island developing States (ASIDS) are relatively new to democracy with several only transitioning from one-party states to multiparty states in the early 1990s. Goals 13 and 14 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are priority goals for the ASIDS. Given that one of the key tests of a healthy democracy is the depth of civil society, this article seeks to examine the quality of political participation in the ASIDS in relation to these two priority SDGs. In so doing, this article considers conventional and nonconventional forms of participation and the potential impact these different avenues for a public “voice” might or might not have on the ASIDS’ government management of climate change and marine resources.

Spanish abstract: Excepto Mauritius, los otros cinco pequeños estados insulares africanos en desarrollo (ASIDS en inglés) recién incursionan en la democracia; algunos de ellos transitan de estados con un solo partido a estados múlti-partidistas a principios de los años noventa. Los objetivos 13 y 14 de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sustentable (ODS) son prioritarios para los ASIDS. Considerando que una prueba de democracia sana es una sociedad civil robusta, este artículo examina la calidad de la participación política en los ASIDS en relación con estos dos ODS. El artículo considera las formas convencionales y no convencionales de participación y el impacto potencial que estas distintas vías de “voz” pública pueda tener en el manejo del cambio climático y los recursos marinos de las ASIDS.

French abstract: A l’exception de l’île Maurice, cinq des six petits états îles en dévelopement (PEID) d’Afrique sont relativement nouveaux en matière de démocratie dans la mesure où certains ont uniquement transité du parti unique au multipartisme au début des années 90. Treize des quatorze ODD sont prioritaires pour les PEID. En partant du constat qu’une des preuves clefs d’une démocratie saine réside dans l’amplitude de la société civile, cet article cherche à examiner la qualité de la participation politique dans les PEID en relation avec deux ODD prioritaires. Ainsi, l’article considère des formes de participation conventionnelles et non conventionnelles ainsi que leur impact potentiel sur une expression publique en particulier, à savoir l’existence d’une gestion gouvernementale des PEID d’Afrique en matière de changement climatique et de ressources marines.

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Guy Lurie

This article unveils a virtually unknown chapter in the history of judicial diversity in Israel. During its first 20 years of existence, between 1948 and 1968, only three Arab judges were appointed. Then, within two years, between 1968 and 1969, Israel appointed three additional Arab judges. Two interconnected changes account for this small increase in judicial diversity. First, in the 1960s, the Arab legal elite began to exert pressure on Israeli officials to appoint Arab judges. Second, perhaps partly due to this pressure, the Judicial Selection Committee made having a diverse judiciary a top priority. This historical example teaches us that without outside pressure, the Judicial Selection Committee does not look on diversity as an important consideration, using the merit system of appointment as an excuse for its failure. Indeed, up to the present day, the Israeli judiciary has relatively few Arab judges.

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An Arab University in the State of Israel

Challenges, Obstacles, and Possibilities

Nohad ‘Ali and Rima’a Da’as

The notion of having an Arab university in the State of Israel is exceedingly controversial, but also of great value and political and cultural significance. Can such a dream become a reality in a state that defines itself as Jewish, as well as democratic? This article discusses the vision of establishing an Arab university, including the previous attempts to establish one, the barriers and obstacles encountered, the reality of inequality of academic rights, and how this dream might actually be brought to fruition. The creation of an Arab university could represent an important step in serving the needs of Israel’s Arab citizens, promoting their status in the state, and protecting their identity, culture, and even existence.

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Scott Lasensky, Ilan Peleg, Ned Lazarus, Don Seeman, and Assaf Zimring

Michael Brenner, In Search of Israel: The History of an Idea (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018), 392 pp. Hardback, $22.50.

Keren Or Schlesinger, Gadi Algazi, and Yaron Ezrahi, eds., Israel/ Palestine: Scholarly Tributes to the Legacy of Baruch Kimmerling [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2017), 525 pp. Paperback, $39.00.

Omer Zanany, From Managing Conflict to Managing a Political Settlement: Israeli Security Doctrine and the Prospective Palestinian State [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research and Molad: The Center for Democratic Renewal, 2018), 99 pp.

David Ohana, Nationalizing Judaism: Zionism as a Theological Ideology (New York: Lexington Books, 2017), 224 pp. eBook, $64.40.

Arie Krampf, The Israeli Path to Neoliberalism: The State, Continuity and Change (London: Routledge, 2018), 254 pp. Hardback, $145.00. eBook, $54.95.