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Osvaldo Croci

The military intervention in Iraq by the United States (US), supported

militarily by Great Britain and politically by a “coalition of the willing,”

which included a large number of current and future European

Union (EU) members but not Germany and France, was undoubtedly

the major foreign policy event of the year. It generated much debate

on concepts such as immediate threat, pre-emptive war, unilateralism,

and multilateralism, as well as on the question of whether the

US, as the sole superpower, has the responsibility to act as a security

provider of last resort when multilateral organizations devoted to this

task become paralyzed. The intervention divided not only the permanent

members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) after

a decade of co-operation but also caused a split in the Atlantic alliance

and among EU members, probably one of the worst to have occurred

on a foreign policy issue in the history of both organizations. Finally,

it put an end—at least temporarily—to that bipartisan consensus in

Italian foreign policy, which had emerged at the end of the 1970s and

consolidated in the 1990s.

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Pasi Ihalainen

This paper suggests that the study of the modernisation of European political cultures in the eighteenth century would greatly benefit from a comparative conceptual historical approach. is approach would effect the reconstruction of a variety of meanings attached to chosen political concepts in different national contexts through the side-by-side analysis of primary sources originating from each case according to the methodology of both historical semantics and pragmatics. A promising research topic is the continuity and change in the conceptualisation of national community, national identity, popular sovereignty and democracy in various European political cultures. e conceptual analyses of late eighteenth-century political sermons from five northwestern European countries, conducted by the author, for example, reveal that conceptual changes related to the rise of nationalism took place even within public religion, allowing it to adapt itself to the age of nationalism. Further analysis of the secular debates taking place in representative bodies and public discourse in late eighteenth-century Britain, the Dutch Republic and Sweden elucidates the gradual development of the notion that all political power is ultimately derived from the people and that such a system constituted a "democracy" in a positive sense within different parliamentary traditions and perhaps even before the French Revolution.

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Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft

The Reception of a Conceptual Dichotomy

Niall Bond

Ferdinand Tönnies's oeuvre Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, published in 1887, has been seminal for the social and human sciences in general, and is no less interesting for intellectual historians and theoreticians of concept formation in particular. Tönnies subscribed to the belief that terms could be rendered less ambiguous, defining the words Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft more narrowly than their contemporary usage. In so doing, he sought to reconcile a heterogeneous agenda initially consisting in offering a diagnosis of vast historical developments and later consisting in providing heuristic tools to analyze individual relationships. This article examines the origins of the concepts and their politicized transformation prior to and subsequent to the publication of his work. As such, it takes on the transformation of Gemeinschaft during the romantic era and its revival by Germany's nationalist right wing and contrasts it with its appropriation by left-leaning communitarian movements in the English-speaking world. The polysemy of the terms in the German language accounts for their semantic evolution, for amalgamations of meanings within Tönnies's conceptual system, and for conundrums in translating the work into English or French. Although the terms were erroneously supposed to have been immediately applicable as ideal types, their adaptation, inter alia by Max Weber or by Talcott Parsons in the form of pattern variables, has been important in the reception of Tönnies's work in the social sciences.

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Children Born of War

A European Research Network Exploring the Life Histories of a Hidden Population

Kimberley Anderson and Sophie Roupetz

aftermath of World War II during the occupation period in Germany and Austria, where the victorious Allied powers asserted their authority. Germany and Austria were divided into four occupation zones for administrative purposes—the American, British, French

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The Modernity of Political Representation

Its Innovative Thrust and Transnational Semantic Transfers during the Sattelzeit (Eighteenth to Nineteenth Centuries)

Samuel Hayat and José María Rosales

during and after the English Civil War is well known. 10 Likewise, its uses by the founding fathers of modern representative governments (in France, Great Britain, and the United States) are even better known. 11 However, the more underground and long

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Stefan Nygård and Johan Strang

they perceived as a struggle to define a concept with universal validity. To put it bluntly, when Scandinavian intellectuals were debating whether an English or French conceptualization of liberalism was best suited for local Scandinavian purposes

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From “De Facto King” to Peasants’ Communes

A Struggle for Representation in the Discourse of the Polish Great Emigration, 1832–1846/48

Piotr Kuligowski

in the ongoing debates on the concept of national representation that emerged during the French Revolution and occupied an important place in further reconsiderations. 1 Owing to the diversity of local contexts and social configurations, however

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Stefan Nygård, Matti La Mela, and Frank Nullmeier

nineteenth century. This shift from what Teilmann-Lock terms the “print-reprint” to the “original-copy paradigm” is mapped by examining scholarly texts, legislative documents, and legal cases from the United Kingdom, France, and Denmark and takes a wide

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Eugenia Gay, Philipp Nielsen, Emanuel Richter, and Gregor Feindt

conflict between parliamentary and presidential (as well as plebiscitary) concepts of democracy (11), it is somewhat surprising that the two chapters on French parliamentary history have very little to say about the conversion from the parliamentary system

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Populism

The Timeline of a Concept

Juan Francisco Fuentes

populism is concentrated paternalism.” 39 That would explain, according to The London Daily News, the tremendous pace of its growth in the western states over the last four years. The French press also used the term to report on the US presidential