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Party Membership in Israel

An Overview

Ofer Kenig, Michael Philippov, and Gideon Rahat

Party membership is in decline in Israel. This article analyzes the main characteristics of party members in three of the largest parties in Israel: Kadima, Likud, and Labor. Party members in Israel share similar features with party members in other countries: they are older, economically better off than the average voter, they are more highly educated than an average voter, and they are more likely to be male than female. This comparison between the members population and the voters population also demonstrates that Arabs are over-represented in Kadima and Labor while religious people are over-represented in Kadima and especially Likud. Most party members claim that ideological motivations led them to join a particular party, yet they suspect that the other members are motivated by more instrumental reasons. They expect the party to act cohesively but at the same time clearly support deeper intraparty democratization. They are also rather passive, hardly engaging in party activities.

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"Once We Had a House"

Invisible Citizens and Consociational Democracy in Post-war Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina

Azra Hromadzic

One of the most important goals of peace-building programs around the world is the establishment of a social order that would lead to stability. In the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), this includes a spatial reorganization of people and territory that assumes a fixed relationship between them. This spatial governmentality relies on a set of rigid assumptions about belonging, territoriality, and politics that make ethnically 'mixed' citizens spatially unmappable, bureaucratically invisible, and socially undesirable. Spanning more than 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork in BiH, I focus on the transformation of Yugoslav mixed citizens into 'invisible citizens' in the context of post-war democratization. The experiences of these people provide a fruitful site from which to understand and critique the peace-building efforts in BiH and beyond.

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Rights to Recognition

Minority/Indigenous Politics in the Emerging Taiwanese Nationalism

Kun-hui Ku

The demand for rights to recognition among the indigenous activists in Taiwan was part of a larger movement for democratization before the lifting of martial law and was supported by international concurrence. The transfer of power from the Nationalist Party (KMT) regime to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) marks a rising consciousness of Taiwanese nationalism. By examining public discourses/rituals and the debates about the organizational reforms, I show how the changing perceptions and status of the indigenous population within the state are used to legitimize the new national identity. By examining the political processes involved in the politics of recognition, on the other hand, I also explore how the indigenous activists exploit to their advantage opportunities that have arisen during the national restructuring.

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After Ujamaa?

Cultures of Governance and the Representation of Power in Tanzania

Maia Green

This article explores some cultural dimensions of governance in Tanzania in the context of transnational efforts to establish a vibrant civil society as part of the democratization agenda. Far from providing alternative modalities of political organization intermediate between the family and the state, the newly established community organizations formed in response to donor initiatives actually replicate social relations and practices associated with government. Governance as a cultural practice in Tanzania enacts the hierarchical relations between lower and higher tiers in models premised on the conceptualization of the village as both object and lowest level of government. Parallels between civil society models of governance and those associated with local governance are explained by identical vertical relations between donors and rural residents, and by shared expectations about the performance of power.

Open access

Rage and Protest

The Case of the Greek Indiginant Movement

Marilena Simiti

In 2011 numerous 'Occupy' and anti-austerity protests took place across Europe and the United States. Passionate indignation at the failure of political elites became a mobilizing force against formal political institutions. In Greece a mass movement known as the Aganaktismeni (the Indignant) became the main agent of social resistance to the memorandum signed by the Greek government, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund. The Greek movement did not take the form of a social movement sharing a collective identity. Left-wing protestors played a prominent role. Protestors embracing right-wing populist frames also participated actively in collective mobilizations, while segments of the extreme right attempted to manipulate rage to their advantage. During the Greek Indignant movement civil society remained a terrain contested by conflicting political forces. This unique feature of the Greek movement posed a completely different challenge to the principles of diversity and inclusiveness than the one debated within the Spanish Indignados and the Occupy protests. Furthermore, it illustrates that rage and indignation may spark dissimilar forms of political contention. Hence, rage and indignation do not merely motivate ‘passive citizens’ to participate in collective protest. They are linked to cognitive frames and individual preferences, which influence protestors’ claims and mobilizations’ political outcomes. Accordingly, advances in democratization and inclusive citizenship are only one of the possible outcomes of mobilizations prompted by rage and indignation.

Free access

Non-Western Theories of Democracy

Mark Chou and Emily Beausoleil

A conventional story is often told about democracy. It is a story that begins somewhere in the West, some millennia ago. From there, or so this telling goes, democracy spread across the continents; traversing from the familiar epicenters of Western civilization—Athens, London, Washington, Versailles—to the exotic and sometimes alien cultural landscapes in the East. The idea that such a model of democracy, based on an essentially Western set of ideals and practices, could one day become universal was perhaps unthinkable to most democrats before the twentieth century. However, today there is very little doubt that democracy on a global scale is both assured and desirable. But there should be no confusion here: this story of democratization, and the projection of democracy’s global future, is one premised on “the export of democratic institutions, developed within a particular cultural context in the West,” that has as its culmination “the end of history” and the triumph of Western liberal democracy in all corners of the globe (Lamont et al. 2015: 1).

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Power in Helmut Kohl's Republic: The Two Faces of German Democracy

Anne Sa'adah

Even as the tenth anniversary of the opening of the Berlin Wall was being celebrated, a scandal was beginning that seems destined to bring the Kohl era, however it is defined, to a close. My purpose in this article is to propose a framework for thinking about the broader political meaning and possible impact of the CDU’s difficulties. In this instance as in many others, I will argue, events in the Federal Republic are best understood if approached simultaneously from two angles. On the one hand, Germany remains bound to, if not necessarily by, its multiple experiences of dictatorship. Viewed in this context, events acquire meaning and significance as part of an ongoing process of democratization, or of an effort to “master” a past to some degree enduringly unmasterable. On the other hand, a half-century after its creation, the Federal Republic is an established democracy with a remarkable record of success and a predictable roster of problems. From this perspective, developments in Germany illustrate dilemmas and dysfunctions common across the advanced industrial democracies.

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Book Reviews

Veronica Davidov, Danielle DiNovelli-Lang, James F. Weiner, Emily Yates-Doerr, Marissa Shaver, Bret Gustafson, Peter Cuasay, Andrew DeWit, Jeremy F. Walton, Christopher Krupa, David Lipset, Jerry Jacka, John Walker, John Johnson, Erik W. Davis, J. Brantley Hightower, Genese Marie Sodikoff, Heater E. Young-Leslie, Patrick Kaiku, and Brock Ternes

DOVE, Michael R., Percy E. SAJISE, and Amity A. DOOLITTLE, eds., Beyond the Sacred Forest: Complicating Conservation in Southeast Asia

FIENUP-RIORDAN, Ann, and Alice REARDEN, Ellavut/Our Yup’ik World & Weather: Continuity and Change on the Bering Sea Coast

INGOLD, Tim, Being Alive: Essays on Movement, Knowledge and Description

KINCHY, Abby, Seeds, Science, and Struggle: The Global Politics of Transgenic Crops

KNUDSEN, Stale, Fishers and Scientists in Modern Turkey: The Management of Natural Resources, Knowledge and Identity on the Eastern Black Sea Coast

LATTA, Alex, and Hannah WITTMAN, eds., Environment and Citizenship in Latin America: Natures, Subjects and Struggles

MCKINNON, Katharine, Development Professionals in Northern Thailand: Hope, Politics, and Practice

MORI, Akihisa, ed., Democratization, Decentralization and Environmental Governance in Asia, DURAIAPPAH, Anatha Kumar, Koji NAKAMURA, Kazuhiko TAKEUCHI, Masataka WATANABE, and Maiko NISHI, eds., Satoyama-Satoumi Ecosystems and Human Well-Being: Socio-Ecological Production Landscapes of Japan

NAVARO-YASHIN, Yael, The Make-Believe Space: Affective Geography in a Postwar Polity

NIXON, Rob, Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor

OGDEN, Laura A., Swamplife: People, Gators and Mangroves Entangled in the Everglades

ROBINS, Nicholas A., Mercury, Mining, and Empire: The Human and Ecological Cost of Colonial Silver Mining in the Andes

SCHAAN, Denise P., Sacred Geographies of Ancient Amazonia: Historical Ecology of Social Complexity

SCOTT, Rebecca R., Removing Mountains: Extracting Nature and Identity in the Appalachian Coalfields

SHAH, Bindi, Laotian Daughters: Working toward Community, Belonging, and Environmental Justice

STEFANOVIC, Ingrid Leman, and Stephen Bede SCHARPER, eds., The Natural City: Re-Envisioning the Built Environment

WALSH, Andrew, Made in Madagascar: Sapphires, Ecotourism, and the Global Bazaar

WILLOW, Anna J., Strong Hearts, Native Lands: The Cultural and Political Landscape of Anishinaabe Anti-Clearcutting Activism

Popular Nonfiction

DIAMOND, Jared, The World until Yesterday: What Can We Learn from Traditional Societies?

PABICH, Wendy J., Taking On Water: How One Water Expert Challenged Her Inner Hypocrite, Reduced Her Water Footprint (without Sacrificing a Toasty Shower) and Found Nirvana

Open access

Gobernanza hídrica como securitización socioambiental en la subcuenca La Sabana–Tres Palos, Acapulco

Erick Alfonso Galán Castro, América Libertad Rodríguez Herrera, and José Luis Rosas-Acevedo

Abstract

This article analyzes three types of water governance in the sub-basin of La Sabana River–Tres Palos Lagoon from the perspective of Michel Foucault's governmentality. These processes—including the board of directors of the Metropolitan Water Operator Organism called the Drinking Water and Sewage Commission of the Municipality of Acapulco (CAPAMA), the Basin Council of the La Sabana River–Laguna de Tres Palos Lagoon, and an experience in community water management in the town of Kilómetro 30, in the same municipality of Acapulco—are addressed through analysis based on the following question: How is the relationship between citizens and officials for water management in the Acapulco region governed? The actors perceive a greater tendency for political control than democratization in decision-making.

Resumen

Este artículo analiza tres tipos de gobernanza del agua en la subcuenca del Río La Sabana–Laguna de tres Palos desde la perspectiva de la gubernamentalidad de Michel Foucault. Estos procesos—el Consejo de Administración del Organismo Operador de Agua metropolitano denominado Comisión de Agua Potable y Alcantarillado del Municipio de Acapulco (CAPAMA), el Consejo de Cuenca del Río La Sabana– Laguna de Tres Palos, y una experiencia de gestión comunitaria de agua en la localidad de Kilómetro 30, del mismo municipio de Acapulco—son observados mediante la pregunta: ¿Cómo se gubernamentaliza la relación entre ciudadanos y funcionarios para la gestión del agua en esa región? Los actores perciben una mayor tendencia al control político que a la democratización en la toma de decisiones.

Résumé

Cet article analyse trois types de gouvernance de l'eau dans le sous-bassin de la rivière La Sabana-Laguna de tres Palos du point de vue de la gouvernementalité de Michel Foucault. Ces instances -le conseil d'administration de l'organisme métropolitain de l'exploitant de l'eau appelé Commission de l'eau potable et des égouts de la municipalité d'Acapulco (CAPAMA), le conseil du bassin du Río la Sabana-Laguna de Tres Palos, et une expérience dans la gestion communautaire de l'eau dans la localité du Kilometro 30, dans la même municipalité d'Acapulco-, sont observées à partir de la question suivante: comment la relation entre les citoyens et les responsables de la gestion de l'eau est-elle gouvernementalisée dans cette région? Il en ressort qu'en ce qui concerne la prise de décision, les acteurs perçoivent davantage une tendance au contrôle politique qu'à la démocratisation.

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Editorial

Jean-Paul Gagnon

political theorists committed to the democratization of the workplace to ground themselves in specifics. Instead of working through metaphor and analogy which risks treating workplaces or firms as more or less the same, Frega argues we should first take