Gregg O. Kvistad, The Rise and Demise of German Statism: Loyalty and Political Membership (Providence and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1999)
Hartmut Lehmann and Hermann Wellenreuther (eds.), German and American Nationalism: A Comparative Perspective (Oxford and New York: Berg, 1999)
Conservative French nationalists had successfully labeled antimilitarism as antinationalist in the two decades preceding World War I. Because some of the more vocal antimilitarists were also involved in anarchist and radical Marxist organizations, historians largely have accepted this antinationalist label while also arguing that French nationalism had lost its connections to the French Revolution and become a more extremist, protofascist movement. A closer look at mainstream antimilitarist arguments, however, reveals the continued existence of the republican nationalism that had dominated the nineteenth century and shows that antimilitarists did not reject their nation. Instead, antimilitarists sought to protect the Republic, which they saw as synonymous with the nation, against an increasingly conservative, anti-Republic military and conservative nationalists, whom antimilitarists saw as a danger to a republican France.
Introduction As the twentieth century was drawing to a close, esteemed British historian Eric Hobsbawm noted, ‘The owl of Minerva which brings wisdom flies out at dusk. It's a good sign it's now circling around nations and nationalism’ ( 1990
oversimplification. This topic is reluctantly discussed by the participants of the movement themselves and is often neglected by war and nationalism scholars. The situation is exacerbated by the controversial nature of the nationalist movement: the OUN employed
” ( E. Gentile 2005: 35 ), a “revolutionary form of nationalism” ( Griffin 1991: xi ), a “new political style” ( Mosse 1975: 8 ) and a “cultural phenomenon” ( Sternhell et al. 1989: 444 ) in which violence is “a means to achieve the transformation of the
conceptualization of Religious-Zionism as an ideology that brings together the supposedly distinct domains of modern nationalism and the Jewish religion are now outdated and misleading. Moreover, this approach's focus on the hyphen limits researchers’ ability to
seemed to largely discredit and undermine any potential broader appeal of politically organized ethnic nationalism or actors promoting radical-right ideology. No matter if this Sonderweg (special path) claim was valid in the past or not, it no longer
and Finn Stepputat for conversations, ideas, and for putting up with early drafts of this article. References Anderson , B. ( 1983 ), Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism ( London : Verso ). Berlant
religion, the customs of Diasporic Jewish communities ( kehilot , sing. kehila ) , modern Zionism, and the major secular ideologies of the nineteenth century—liberalism, socialism, and nationalism. This article explores the democratic and anti
The crisis engendered by the appointment of a female chiefto succeed her father in southern Zimbabwe is used to discuss how anextended case can inform us about the politics of ethnicity and its conflicts. The formation of the case demonstrates a cross-section of socialand cultural dynamics through which the protagonists negotiated andpracticed their values and interests. Thus, the protagonists to the crisisinvoked histories and nationalisms, manipulated ethnic affiliation, andquestioned gender hierarchies to ground and substantiate their differentclaims. Through these optics, Fredrik Barth's constructivist understanding of ethnicity is critiqued. Ethnicity is not an elementary identity;instead, its form and substance must be related to other social phenomena and to historical changes that contextualize ethnic identification.This approach, no less social than that of Barth, does not obviate culture,which is referred to here as the ideas, experiences, and feelings thatinfuse persons through their existential practices.
