1960s onward by a transnational feminist movement. Its protagonists, languages, concepts, and interest circulated in a fruitful exchange between countries—her examples show that this was especially the case for the German-speaking countries, France, and
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Johanna Gehmacher, Svetla Baloutzova, Orlin Sabev, Nezihe Bilhan, Tsvetelin Stepanov, Evgenia Kalinova, Zorana Antonijevic, Alexandra Ghit, Chiara Bonfiglioli, Ana Luleva, Barbara Klich-Kluczewska, Courtney Doucette, Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz, Valentina Mitkova, Vjollca Krasniqi, Pepka Boyadjieva, Marina Hughson, and Rayna Gavrilova
Simon Tormey and Jean-Paul Gagnon
—starting in the late seventeenth century—it’s clear that the real demand there was for greater representation. Look, for example, at what the Levellers (e.g., Foxley 2013 ) or French Revolutionaries (e.g., Hobsbawm 2001 ) demanded. It’s something that
Feminisms and Politics in the Interwar Period
The Little Entente of Women (1923–1938)
Katerina Dalakoura
participation in the LEW, on the contrary, attributed to it purely political aims, arguing that it was a means for the implementation of French foreign policy and functioned “as a supplement of the Little Entente.” 33 These positions were expressed both while
Leif Lewin
political capacity among the newly enfranchised as a relevant objection to political equality. Writing in the shadow of the French Revolution and deeply shocked by its bloodbath, Mill warned of the consequences of popular power when it spun out of control
Klaus Oschema, Mette Thunø, Evan Kuehn, and Blake Ewing
be thankful that Brill agreed to publish a translation of the 2011 French edition ( La dispersion: Une histoire des usages du mot diaspora) to make it available for a non-French-reading audience, but the belated English rendition also calls for an
Editorial
The Rule of Law—A Heuristic Perspective?
because we are subject to “civil law”? Which laws are “civic laws”? And what is law? In response, Sartori argues: In the course of time the ancient word for law has become the English (and the Italian and French) word for justice. In short, ius is both
Dominik Austrup, Marion Repetti, Andreas Avgousti, Th. W. Bottelier, and Antonin Lacelle-Webster
pluralist understanding of democracy, populism and liberal democracies are fundamentally incompatible (39). Galston proceeds by laying out a historical analysis of the rise of populist parties in Europe focusing on Hungary, Poland, and France (chap. 4
Maria Bucur, Katerina Dalakoura, Krassimira Daskalova, and Gabriela Dudeková Kováčová
The decade following World War I was transformative for Europe in many ways. Some empires (Russian, Habsburg, Ottoman) collapsed. Others (Great Britain, France) saw their stars rise again as “protectors” of non-European territories, in effect
Theo Jung, Cristian Roiban, Gregor Feindt, Alexandra Medzibrodszky, Henna-Riikka Pennanen, and Anna Björk
). Laura Frader convincingly argues that gender and ethnoracial discourses specific to France in the first half of the twentieth century triggered new interpretations of work and influenced work-related practices. Furthermore, gender and ethnoracial
Peter Herrmann
community is now embarking upon a third generation of human rights which may be called “rights of solidarity.” We can say this is structurally already mirrored by the sequence of the guiding lines and foundations of the French Revolution, proclaiming