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shift from an outward-oriented femininity to one of interiorization of femininity, following the discursive landscape of egalitarian individualism (e.g., in its Pentecostal form). This development can be compared to Foucault’s analysis of changes that

in the “discrepancy between those who conform and those who do not” ( Moon 2006: 273–274 ). As Michel Foucault (1982: 780) has argued with regard to power, resistance can then act as a “chemical catalyst so as to bring to light power relations, to

, revisiting Foucault’s (2001) Fearless Speech might be useful. Crucially, the spirituality at issue here is neither reducible to religion nor religious in its essence. It can be taken as a profane concept that refers to a set of practices that arise when a

meaning. This system is always governed and regulated by a set of discursive rules ( Foucault 1970 , 2002 ; Howarth and Torfing 2005 ; Laclau and Mouffe 2001 ). I suggest two analytical tools to examine the empirical case. The first is a process of

metropole with the ascendance of “biopower” ( Foucault 2003 ). This started in the colonies, where a governing distinction in managing the population was drawn between the European colonizers who were considered “citizens” and the “natives” who were reduced

model does not apply to these Amazonian groups, despite some attempts made to adapt this idea to the Qom people ( Tola 2009 ). 7 The concept of ‘bodily regimes’ is based on Foucault’s (2002) arguments. In the case of the Guaycurú notions of the body

the notion of discourse in Foucault’s sense. I would say that secularism is a discursive field that, in the apt characterization of Thomas Lemke (2007: 44) , includes “the delineation of concepts, the specification of objects and borders, and the

difference that my Aristotle came via Gadamer and hers via Foucault. Or, to make this more immediate, Saba had a direct source and inspiration in Asad, as I did in Geertz, although in neither case were we directly taught by them. I thought, and still think

theorists who focused on state-society relations: Michel Foucault’s (1991) notion of governmentality, Philip Abrams’s ([1977] 1988 ) perspective on the state as a collective misrepresentation of capitalist societies, and Bourdieu’s (1994) focus on the

realized over the years that if John never objected to my strongly Foucauldian approach, it was likely because in many ways he himself saw history in something like the “genealogical mood” that Foucault ( 1984: 133 ) characterized as a ‘happy positivism