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The Fractal Process of European Integration

A Formal Theory of Recursivity in the Field of European Security

Grégoire Mallard and Martial Foucault

This article proposes a simple formal model that can explain why and how European states engaged in the negotiation of federalist treaties in the fields of European defense and security. Using the non-cooperative model of multilateral bargaining derived from the Stahl-Rubinstein game, we show that the specific sequencing of treaty negotiations adopted by federalists explains why, against all odds, states preferred federalist-inspired treaties to intergovernmental treaties. We argue that federalists succeeded in convincing states to sign their treaties, rather than alternative treaties, by spreading the risk of rejection attached to various components of European security treaties into successive periods of negotiations, a process that they repeated in each new round of negotiation. In doing so, we show that Jean Monnet and his transnational network of European federalists had an influence on the process of EU integration because they segmented treaties into components with different probabilities of acceptance, and structured the different rounds of negotiations of these components by starting with the less risky ones, rather than because they convinced states to change their preferences and adopt federalist treaties instead of intergovernmental treaties.

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The Origins of the Anti-Liberal Left

The 1979 Vincennes Conference on Neoliberalism

Michael C. Behrent

Foucault, Henri Lefebvre, François Châtelet, Nicos Poulantzas, and Jean-Pierre Chevènement. The Vincennes conference occurred at what, in retrospect, appears as a crucial turning point in France’s intellectual, political, and economic history. On the one

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L'expérience, le désir et l'histoire

Alain Corbin ou le «tournant culturel» silencieux

Dominique Kalifa

Il est de nombreuses façons d’envisager l’oeuvre d’Alain Corbin dans le paysage historique contemporain. On peut partir des divers objets élaborés par l’historien jusqu’ici (les sociétés et les comportements ruraux, l’histoire des sens et des appréciations, le paysage, etc.) et montrer l’étonnante capacité d’invention ou de renouvellement dont il fit preuve dans leur mise en forme. Souvent privilégiée, cette approche est évidemment pertinente, mais elle peine parfois à se dégager du simple panégyrique. On peut, de façon plus synthétique, insister sur la cohérence du projet d’ensemble (l’histoire des sensibilités), le penser dans le temps long de l’historiographie et l’inscrire dans une série de filiations (la psychologie historique de Lucien Febvre, l’histoire des mentalités façon Robert Mandrou, l’ombre portée de Michelet et du projet romantique de réanimation du passé), elles-mêmes infléchies par l’apport de sociologues comme Norbert Élias ou de philosophes comme Michel Foucault.

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Representations, History, and Wartime France

Brett Bowles

In a 1989 article published by Annales under the title “Le monde comme représentation,”1 Roger Chartier articulated a conceptual framework for bridging the gap that had traditionally separated the history of mentalities from social and political history. While the former field—pioneered by Georges Duby, Robert Mandrou, and Philippe Ariès in the 1960s—had legitimized the study of collective beliefs, anxieties, and desires as historical phenomena, the latter remained largely devoted to more concrete, easily quantifiable factors such as structures, institutions, and material culture. Drawing on the anthropological and psychoanalytical premises that had informed the work of Michel Foucault, Louis Marin, and Michel de Certeau, among others, Chartier emphasized the performative dimension of individual and collective representations in order to argue that they should be understood not only as evidence registering the exercise of social and political power, but as underlying catalysts of change in their own right. Like habitus, Pierre Bourdieu’s complex model of social causality and evolution, Chartier framed representation as a symbiotic “structuring structure” that deserved to sit at the heart of historical inquiry.

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Objects of Dispute

Planning, Discourse, and State Power in Post-War France

Edward Welch

population. Its reorganization of space, infrastructure, and living places emerges as a tangible manifestation of the state’s power over human life, defined by Michel Foucault in the 1970s as “bio-politics.” 10 That stories of state power told from the

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La flânerie au feuilleton?

Quotidien et modernité critique chez Siegfried Kracauer

Catherine Nesci

’Allemagne préfasciste. Le « flâneur-journaliste » Dans son essai Du journalisme en démocratie , Muhlmann part du rapprochement que suggère Michel Foucault entre la célébration de « l’actualité » par Kant, dans son texte sur les Lumières (1784), et « l’attitude de

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La nostalgie, de la maladie au sentiment national

Jelena Jovicic

au sérieux, le désir du nostalgique n’est pas tendu vers une chose qu’il pourrait retrouver (« lieu de son enfance »), mais vers un passé à jamais perdu. Anthropologie du point du vue pragmatique , trad. Michel Foucault (Paris : Vrin, 1991), 55. Cet

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Marrying into the Nation

Immigrant Bachelors, French Bureaucrats, and the Conjugal Politics of Naturalization in the Third Republic

Nimisha Barton

elaboration of state power. See Connell, Gender and Power , 128–29; Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality , vol. 1 (New York: Vintage Books, 1988). 10 John C. Torpey, The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship, and the State (Cambridge

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Book Reviews

Camille Robcis and Benjamin Poole

slippery concept of liberalism, it seems equally important to remember that the project of liberalism, as Michel Foucault—amongst others—has taught us, was never to promote less state or less government but rather better, more efficient, and more

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Book Reviews

Aaron Freundschuh, Jonah D. Levy, Patricia Lorcin, Alexis Spire, Steven Zdatny, Caroline Ford, Minayo Nasiali, George Ross, William Poulin-Deltour, and Kathryn Kleppinger

phrase “inequities of global capitalism” points to an aspect of the book that, despite its many excellent qualities, struck a false note for me: a subtle but pervasive point of view that I might call “neo-Marx meets neo-Foucault.” The casual Marxism of