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Senses and Gender in Modern and Ancient Greek Healing Rituals

Evy Johanne Håland

This article is based on a larger ongoing project, The Dangerous Life: Gender, Pain, Health and Healing in Modern and Ancient Greece, a Comparison , which presents a method new to the study of antiquity: ethnographic fieldwork combined with

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Were There Better Angels of a Classical Greek Nature?

Violence in Classical Athens

Matthew Trundle

Steven Pinker discusses ancient Greek civilization only briefly at the beginning of his work, and simply to highlight the violence of heroes such as Achilles and Odysseus depicted in the Homeric poems. How do Pinker’s ideas relate to violence in

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The End of Representative Politics, Revisited

Simon Tormey and Jean-Paul Gagnon

representation, election, and mass political parties? Tormey: Representation is a concept I got very interested in about 10 years ago. In an earlier paper, when I was writing about representation, I termed it a “ pharmakon ,” which is a Greek term from which we

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The Tragic Nostalgia of Albert Camus

Robert Zaretsky

Algeria is never far from the center of Albert Camus's life and work—no further, in effect, than Ithaka is from the center of Odysseus's thoughts. In fact, Camus tended to see his native country through his readings of ancient Greek myth and tragedy. This article traces the ways in which Camus, with materials provided by ancient Greece, not only represented his native land, but also elaborated a “Mediterranean” school of thought—la pensée du Midi—that emphasizes the role of moderation or “measure.” There is an undeniable aspect of nostalgia to Camus's rendering of his country and its past, but this does not undermine its validity. By making use of Svetlana Boym's fruitful distinction between reflective and restorative forms of nostalgia, I suggest that the combination of the two categories lies at the heart of Camus's “philosophy of limits.”

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Ottoman Concepts of Empire

Einar Wigen

Empire was never an important concept in Ottoman politics. This did not stop Ottoman rulers from laying claim to three titles that may be called imperial: halife, hakan, and kayser. Each of these pertains to different translationes imperii, or claims of descent from different empires: the Caliphate, the steppe empires of the Huns, Turks, and Mongols, and the Roman Empire. Each of the three titles was geared toward a specific audience: Muslims, Turkic nomads, and Greek-Orthodox Christians, respectively. In the nineteenth century a new audience emerged as an important source of political legitimacy: European-emergent international society. With it a new political vocabulary was introduced into the Ottoman language. Among those concepts was that of empire, which found its place in Ottoman discourse by connecting it with the existing imperial claims.

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Should Canada (or the United States) Be Studied by Itself?

Donald A. Bailey

The argument is that Canadian and American historians need significant knowledge of European or Asian history if they are really to understand their own special subject—for at least three reasons. Without a significantly different subject to serve for comparison and contrast, the understanding of any given subject is impossible. The vast majority of our citizens/residents or their ancestors contributed a great part of their cultural heritage to our society. And 300 to 500 years is too chronologically shallow for anyone to grasp adequately the historical process. To illustrate the usefulness of such collateral knowledge, the experiences of four distinct European regions—the middle Danube, the Netherlands, the British Isles, and the Delian League of Ancient Greece—are briefly traced, with North American "applications" sometimes stated and sometimes left to be discerned. The concluding arguments stress the uniqueness of history in emphasizing TIME (the chronological environment) and the need to think metaphorically for understanding and communicating one's subject (the metaphors come from significantly different historical experiences, as well as from the arts).

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Classical Modeling and the Circulation of Concepts in Early Modern Britain

Patricia Springborg

In this article the author examines the way in which concepts of citizenship and rights have been transmitted not only by conquest, but also by the imitation of Greek and Roman models. Also, the article discusses the way in which early modern empires, modelling themselves on the classical Roman empire in particular, bring these two elements together. Extensive historiographical work on the reception of European thought in the New World has been produced on both sides of the Atlantic and some important contributions that deal with the impact of the New World encounters in European thought have recently been made. However, the author argues that little work has been done on classical modelling as a vehicle for the transmission of concepts. The long tradition of classical learning, revived in the European Renaissance, made Latin the lingua franca of Europe, and school curricula across Europe ensured that members of the Republic of Letters were exposed to the same texts. This, together with the serviceability of the Roman model as a manual for Empire, ensured the rapid transmission of classical republican and imperial ideas. The author takes England and the British Empire as a case study and provides a variety of examples of classical modelling.

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Neoliberalism, the Left and the Rise of the Far Right

On the Political and Ideological Implications of Capitalism's Subordination of Democracy

Costas Panayotakis

popular, at that time, representative of the second strategy, as ‘[t]he new pied piper of Hellas,’ a ‘leftist rabble rouser with keen political instincts and few scruples,’ and as living proof of the tendency of Greeks, ever since the Peloponnesian war

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Introduction

A Focus on the History of Concepts

Eirini Goudarouli

different historical contexts and seek to highlight different intellectual figures. From the late seventeenth-century Greek-speaking regions of the Ottoman Empire, to eighteenth-century Spain, and nineteenth-and early twentieth-century Finland and

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Depictions of Women in the Works of Early Byzantine Historians and Chroniclers

Between Stereotype and Reality

Ecaterina Lung

constitute for the Byzantines proof of irrationality, so the women who behave like Barbarians are irrational. 26 This lack of reason ( logos , in Greek) means women should not have the right of speech (also called logos ), at least when in public. 27 This