In recent years, Senegal’s developed a program of index insurance to cover farmers from economic losses due to drought. I investigate this emerging market in light of Jane Guyer’s question: “What is a ‘risk’ as a transacted ‘thing’?” To grasp the social practices required to make “rainfall deficit” a transferable risk, I explore the climate and market infrastructure that brings it into existence and follows actors who function as brokers allowing the risk to circulate from Senegalese fields to the global reinsurance industry. I show that the strategies set up to convince farmers to integrate a green and rational capitalist management of climate risks are very fragile, and the index insurance program only endures because it is embedded in the broader political economy of rural development based on debt and international aid.
Index Insurance and the Global Circuits of Climate Risks in Senegal
Sara Angeli Aguiton
Jeroen P. van der Sluijs
Uncertainty complexity and dissent make climate change hard to tackle with normal scientific procedures. In a post-normal perspective the normal science task of "getting the facts right" is still regarded as necessary but no longer as fully feasible nor as sufficient to interface science and policy. It needs to be complemented with a task of exploring the relevance of deep uncertainty and ignorance that limit our ability to establish objective, reliable, and valid facts. This article explores the implications of this notion for the climate science policy interface. According to its political configuration the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) adopted a "speaking consensus to power" approach that sees uncertainty and dissent as a problematic lack of unequivocalness (multiple contradictory truths that need to be mediated into a consensus). This approach can be distinguished from two other interface strategies: the "speaking truth to power approach," seeing uncertainties as a temporary lack of perfection in the knowledge (truth with error bars) and the "working deliberatively within imperfections" approach, accepting uncertainty and scientific dissent as facts of life (irreducible ignorance) of which the policy relevance needs be explored explicitly. The article recommends more openness for dissent and explicit reflection on ignorance in IPCC process and reporting.
Erve Chambers, Lauren Miller Griffith, Angus Mitchell, and Frances Julia Riemer
compelling. Lebon and Lapointe close with an examination of the social construction of climate risk through tourism discourse in whale watching tourism in the Quebec community of Tadoussac. Their evidence, based on a territorial analysis and semi
Connecting the Social Movement Societies and Players and Arenas Perspectives
Mark C.J. Stoddart, Alice Mattoni, and Elahe Nezhadhossein
of conflict and collaboration do environmental movements adopt in relation to other players in these arenas? Type of social movement society Norway Mobilization against oil development based on localized and global climate risks of
, Sonaly D. de Oliveira, Carlos A.C. dos Santos, and Madson T. Silva, “Risco climático da cana-de-açúcar cultivada na região nordeste do Brasil [Climate risk of sugarcane grown in the northeast region of Brazil]” Revista brasileira de Engenharia Agricola e
Climate Change and the Cinematic Ethics of Immersive Filmworlds
Ludo de Roo
. “ Facing the Day after Tomorrow: Filmed Disaster, Emotional Engagement, and Climate Risk Perception .” In American Environments: Climate, Cultures, Catastrophe , ed. Christof Mauch and Sylvia Mayer , 97 – 115 . Heidelberg : Winter Verlag . Weik
impacts such as rising sea levels, more severe droughts, warming freshwater, and faster melting glaciers. It is certainly true that “all humanity” faces climate risk. Yet a scan of scientific reports from the US Global Change Research Program and the