societies have often been understood and discussed as almost the prototypical egalitarian society (see, e.g., Lepowsky 1990 ). However, the understanding of what egalitarianism is has often been based on ideas of economic distribution or political systems
Pentecostalism and Egalitarianism in Melanesia
A Reconsideration of the Pentecostal Gender Paradox
In the French polemics over the Islamic headscarf, the relationship betweensecularism and sexual equality has sometimes been made out to be an artificialone. The articulation between politics, religion, secularism, and women'srights is examined here over the longue durée. Since the beginning of the secularizationprocess during the French Revolution, a minority has championedan egalitarian conception of secularization. Rivalries between or convergencesof political and religious authorities have driven an ambivalent and not veryequal secularization, creating secular pacts that rely on gender pacts to thedetriment of equality. This dynamic reversed itself beginning in the 1960swith the battle for legal contraception and abortion, which shook one of thevery bases of French Catholicism to its foundation. The headscarf affairsrevealed the egalitarian effects of secularism and favored the elaboration ofthought about secularism in conjunction with sexual equality, which, whateverthe various interpretations of that thought may be, could prove to be anon-negligible benefit.
Neither Reformers nor Réformés
The Construction of French Modernity in the Nineteenth Century
Modernity has typically been considered a process consisting of “modernizing” initiatives concerned with nation-building, industrial economic development, and new social and political practices associated with democratization. This article engages ongoing debates regarding the import and meaning of modernity for historians and argues in favor of an historically situated understanding of the modern based upon an examination of social power and identity in post-revolutionary France. In particular, it assesses the transformation of social and political relationships in the nineteenth century as France embraced mass democracy and overseas imperial expansion in North Africa, arguing that modernity became a convenient means of preserving elite primacy and identity in an age increasingly oriented toward egalitarianism, democratic participation, and the acquisition of global empires.
Bernard Faÿ and the Rise of American Studies in Third-Republic France
John L. Harvey
Perhaps no other French historian led such a sordid academic career as that of Bernard Faÿ, who held the first European chair in American history at the Collège de France from 1932 to his removal in 1944. Celebrated as the leading interwar specialist on America, Faÿ was a steadfast ally of the Catholic political Right. His conservatism, however, never threatened his international stature or his domestic academic standing until 1940, after which he led the Vichy regime's assault on Freemasonry. He succeeded as a historian by employing research on the United States to reject traditions of popular sovereignty, while also embracing new methodological trends that critiqued scientific positivism, often as an attack on the intellectual foundation of the Third Republic. His legacy suggests how the conceptual legitimacy of secular, egalitarian society could be contested through the very ideas that "cosmopolitan modernity" had sought to support.
Defeated Militants and Enduring Revolutionary Social Values in Dhufar, Oman
revolution, including the promotion of social egalitarianism, evident in education, social, and marriage policies ( Takriti 2013: 107–131 ). The ideological and practical support for the Front from combatants and noncombatants blurs the boundaries between
Eurovision Song Contest. Alongside these metaphors of integration, some queer performances in recent years illustrate egalitarian notions of “sexual democracy” and redefine kinship as “families we choose.” The esc crystallizes how changing ideals regarding
Benjamin Abrams and Giovanni A. Travaglino
“system justification” helps to explain popular resistance or acquiescence to political and social contexts. Of particular importance are “low system justifiers,” individuals who prefer instantiating egalitarian alternatives to the status quo over the
Real Marx (with its small niche market). Such a critique seems reminiscent of writings in the 1960s when Durkheim was presented as the naïve conservative dedicated to a functionalism that justified all kinds of inequalities against a radical egalitarian
Outrageous Flirtation, Repressed Flirtation, and the Gallic Singularity
Alexis de Tocqueville's Comparative Views on Women and Marriage in France and the United States
Jean Elisabeth Pedersen
equal but alike.” 23 Criticizing these excessively egalitarian opponents, whom he identified in his manuscript notes for the volume as “Saint Simonians and others” who espoused “the doctrine of the so-called emancipation of women,” 24 gave Tocqueville
The Aganaktismenoi of Greece and the Squares Movement(s)
“lack,” whether this is understood as “subjective weakness” or as “objective symptom.” In the Syntagma occupation, there emerged an egalitarian public space that questioned class differences as markers of political recognition and capacity. That is to