In the last three decades, Palestinian society within Israel has been undergoing changes in different spheres, with trends of change and preservation evolving simultaneously. Changes in the familial sphere include a rise in the divorce rate and, accordingly, in the number of single-parent families. Despite the increase in the number of single-parent family units headed by women, this pattern has barely gained legitimacy. As single mothers, divorced Palestinian women are subjected to considerable criticism and supervision on the part of their families. In this article I examine the reasons why Israeli-Palestinian women seek divorce, arguing that they reflect co-existing trends. While some reasons can be defined as traditional, others illustrate a process of change related to the adoption of values and images deriving from the Western romantic love ethos. The article is based on data gathered in semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted and analyzed with a commitment to the principles of feminist research.
A Comparative Perspective
Grassroots efforts among the Maya of Guatemala
Allison D. Krogstad
In the Kaqchikel Maya town of San Jorge La Laguna, Guatemala, a fight to reclaim lost land in 1992, though unsuccessful, eventually led the community to become one of the first Maya towns on Lake Atitlán to have a garbage dump, a drainage system, and an environmental education agenda. The efforts of San Jorge, along with the efforts of other communities, have led to the creation of national organizations such as Coordinadora Nacional Indígena y Campesina (CONIC), and have attracted the a ention of foreigners with organizations such as Mayan Families. By striving to improve their immediate environment and learning about the global impact of their actions, the people of San Jorge La Laguna are providing both a physical and an ideological space for themselves in the future.
Three elements dominated scholarship on Israeli water politics and policymaking in the 1950s: (1) the state is often taken to be a fully established actor since its inception in 1948; (2) Israeli water policymaking was dominated by geopolitical and regional concerns over security and access to shared water resources; (3) water was, and continues to be, a scarce resource. This article argues that these elements result in the depoliticization of Israeli water policies and offers three counterarguments. First, the totality of any state is an ever-illusive construct. Second, Israeli water politics had an internal dimension that has to be investigated in its own right. Third, scarcity did not acquire the status of a "fact" until the mid-1950s. In fact, the struggle over the notions of water abundance and scarcity was an essential part of working through the political conflicts over the meaning of Jewish subjectivity, the boundaries of the state, and its right to intervene in civil society.
Promoting a Context-Informed Perspective in Social Work Education among Palestinian Female Students in Israeli Academia
Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav
Social work is a profession focused on understanding the importance of different contexts and their application to treatment, education, and research ( Roer-Strier 2016 ). Researchers have proposed a wide range of terms to identify skills required
Ultra-Orthodox Women Working toward Bachelor's Degrees at a Secular Teacher Training College
Sigal Oppenhaim-Shachar and Michal Hisherik
eyes of the literature's ultra-Orthodox subjects, contemporary secular values such as equality, freedom, and liberalism ( Cahaner 2017 ; Kalagy 2016 ; Neriya-Ben Shahar 2017 ; Novis Deutsch and Rubin 2018 ; Kook and Harel-Shalev 2021 ). Their
Tali Tadmor-Shimony and Nirit Raichel
on women teachers in Western societies. Alison Prentice and Marjorie Theobald (1991) , Kay Whitehead (2017) , and others have argued that the experiences of women teachers are a prism through which one can evaluate certain processes in their
An Analysis of the Ethnic Issue in Israel
structuralist-functionalist analysis in Israel, which highlighted the ‘Oriental’ elements of Mizrahi culture ( Ben-Rafael 1982 ), I wish to emphasize that what distinguished—and continues to distinguish—Mizrahi Jews from their Ashkenazi counterparts is their
A Knesset Case Study
bargaining arenas in which players with conflicting policy aims strive to achieve their preferred outcomes ( Friedberg 2011 ; Friedberg and Hazan 2009 ; Hazan 1999 , 2001 ; Maor 2009 ). This article seeks to indicate a middle ground between these
Shas, Politics, and Religion
low or normative guidelines.” They view educational policy as “social practice, specifically, a practice of power” (ibid.). I examine an instance of change in educational policy from the perspective described in their theoretical article, showing how
, whether by accepting governmental or municipal funding or by cooperating with Israeli officials, is automatically considered a Zionist collaborator and therefore impure. As a result, Extreme Orthodoxy shuns the majority of Haredi Jews and their spiritual