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Liberty through Political Representation and Rights Recognition

Christopher J. Allsobrook

here that, although the inclusion of Michel Foucault’s understanding of power in this theory of real modern freedom is to be commended, this advance proves inconsistent with the theory of needs advanced in his earlier work on The Political Philosophy

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Sartre, Foucault, and the Subject of Philosophy's Situation

Brian Seitz

The impetus for exploring the relationship between Sartre and Foucault may be informed more by Foucault than by Sartre, as it would seem to be geared toward a Foucauldian determination of the discursive parameters of a particular dimension of modern philosophy; that is, of the history of philosophy, including, by extension, the history of existentialism. But insofar as this determination opens up a significant dimension of the situation of philosophy today - of our situation and of the situation of existentialism - it is also Sartrean in nature, as are the effects of this determination, a determination situated somewhere between Sartre's philosophy of freedom and the freedom afforded to Foucault and to us all by the practice of philosophy, and by its future possibilities, which include the possibility "… that I do not believe a word, not one little word, of all I've just scribbled."

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Biopolitical Leviathan

Understanding State Power in the Era of COVID-19 through the Weberian-Foucauldian Theory of the State

Lars Erik Løvaas Gjerde

and rule ‘beyond the state’ (i.e., Joseph 2010 ; Merlingen 2011 ; Miller and Rose 2008 ), even though Foucault's work (2003, 2008a, 2009) largely constitutes a genealogy of the state. Nevertheless, Foucault (2008a , 2008b ) recommends scholars

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Neoliberalism, Hedonism and the Dying Public

Reclaiming Political Agency through the Exercise of Courage

Grant M. Sharratt and Erik Wisniewski

relationships. Neoliberal governmentality, on our account, and following Michel Foucault, fashions people into producers and consumers who strive to maximise wages, while using their surplus earnings to procure the means to experience pleasure or material

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“This Video Call May Be Monitored and Recorded”

Video Visitation as a Form of Surveillance Technology and Its Effect on Incarcerated Motherhood

JWells

this uncertainty is what led them to internalize the gaze and constantly self-censor ( Foucault 1995 ). This is where VV differs from the traditional panopticon, because it increases visibility and decreases uncertainty. The residents on the VV call

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Ensuring Failure?

The Impact of Class on Girls in Swedish Secure Care

Maria A. Vogel

discourses of class intersect with the gendered discipline of girls in secure care. Secure care can be understood as a site in which repressive and productive forms of power meet to produce subjects (Foucault [1974]1987). Such a theoretical perspective

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Student-Led Cricket Matches as a Product of Coaching/Mentoring

An Autoethnographic Account

Kieran James and Simon Elliott

background, followed by a section on theory, in which we introduce the theory of subjugated knowledges (drawing from two lectures given by the mid-period Foucault of the Discipline and Punish era). Next, we discuss the research method of autoethnography

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Origin Stories, Surveillance, and Digital Alter Egos

Sarah Young

and explanations of surveillance: the panoptic and Orwellian models. Panoptic surveillance, theorized by Michel Foucault (1977) , centers on Jeremy Bentham and his brother's circular prison model and likens the discipline imposed here to other

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Nonviolent Political Action and the Limits of Consent

Iain Atack

The consent theory of power, whereby ruling elites depend ultimately on the submission, cooperation and obedience of the governed as their source of power, is often linked to debates about the effectiveness of non-violent political action. According to this theory, ruling elites depend ultimately on the submission, cooperation and obedience of the governed as their source of power. If this cooperation is with-drawn, then this power is undermined. Iain Atack outlines this theory and examines its strengths and weaknesses. Atack argues that incorporating the insights of other theories of power, such as Gramsci's theory of hegemony and Foucault's views on 'micro-power', can provide us with a more sophisticated understanding of both the effectiveness and the limits of nonviolent political action than the consent theory of power. Gramsci's contribution deepens the analysis in terms of our understanding of the origins of individual consent in the context of larger economic and political structures, while Foucault adds a different dimension, in that his micro-approach emphasizes the ubiquity and plurality of power, rather than its embodiment or reification in large-scale structures.

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The Fractal Process of European Integration

A Formal Theory of Recursivity in the Field of European Security

Grégoire Mallard and Martial Foucault

This article proposes a simple formal model that can explain why and how European states engaged in the negotiation of federalist treaties in the fields of European defense and security. Using the non-cooperative model of multilateral bargaining derived from the Stahl-Rubinstein game, we show that the specific sequencing of treaty negotiations adopted by federalists explains why, against all odds, states preferred federalist-inspired treaties to intergovernmental treaties. We argue that federalists succeeded in convincing states to sign their treaties, rather than alternative treaties, by spreading the risk of rejection attached to various components of European security treaties into successive periods of negotiations, a process that they repeated in each new round of negotiation. In doing so, we show that Jean Monnet and his transnational network of European federalists had an influence on the process of EU integration because they segmented treaties into components with different probabilities of acceptance, and structured the different rounds of negotiations of these components by starting with the less risky ones, rather than because they convinced states to change their preferences and adopt federalist treaties instead of intergovernmental treaties.