This article examines the tension between liberalism and Orthodoxy in Israel as it relates to censorship. The first section aims to explain Israel's vulnerability as a multicultural democracy in a hostile region, with significant schisms that divide the nation. The next section presents the dilemma: should Israel employ legal mechanisms to counter hate speech and racism? The third section details the legal framework, while the fourth reviews recent cases in which political radicals were prosecuted for incitement to racism. The final section discusses cases in which football supporters were charged with incitement after chanting “Death to Arabs“ during matches. I argue that the state should consider the costs and risks of allowing hate speech and balance these against the costs and risks to democracy and free speech that are associated with censorship.
Is Israeli democracy in danger? The short answer is yes! But which democracy is not in some sense or another fragile and in danger? In some democracies it is the rise of the extreme right and racism in reaction to Muslim minorities, in others the possibility of disastrous economic collapse, and in still others the nearing possibility of a civil war. In the case of Israel it is unreasonable to assess the future of democracy given the deep uncertainties about the prospects of a settlement with the Palestinians and of achieving definable agreed-upon borders in the foreseeable future, and Israel’s permanently grave state of security. In addition, no one can risk predicting the prospect and consequences of a war involving thousands of missiles over Israeli cities if the present deadlock of the peace process persists and eventually leads to an explosion.
Yoram Peri and Paul L. Scham
nationalism (and in some cases even racism) that justify the majority’s demand not to take into account the views, interests, or needs of minorities. Humanist and universalistic principles, even those integral to Israeli history and government, are branded as
Sderot and Sha’ar Hanegev
first stages. I assert that paternalism and racism on the part of the kibbutzim were evident in the partnership, since the actual goal was to reinforce control over the residents of Sderot and not eliminate it, as claimed. From Transit Camp to Local
Beyond the Liberal Grammar of Contemporary Sociology
most cases, liberal certainty frames non-liberal behavior as a problem that is inherently anomalous, as a form of moral disorder that can be explained with terms such as ‘racism’ (or ‘sexism’ and ‘homophobia’), ‘error’, ‘misunderstanding’, ‘false
our village to all people without reservation, hesitation, intolerance, or racism. We are proud of the full history of our village and proud of being the owners of this beautiful legacy. We acknowledge all the civilizations that have passed through the
Dan Rabinowitz, Russell Stone, Guy Ben-Porat, Paul Scham, Wilhelm Kempf, Lior Libman, and Asaf Sharabi
and the Kach political party in Israel, which was banned from the Knesset because of accusations of racism. The book also profiles moderate figures like Rabbi Michael Melchior and peace activists such as the late Rabbi Menachem Froman. Overall, this
central academic and public debates regarding the Law of Return is connected to the ethical standing of the law. On the one hand, there are those who maintain that it is tainted with racism, due to its ethnically based preference with regard to immigration
The Influence of Radical Ultra-Orthodoxy
to Israel in its early years. The advocates of the kidnapping narrative have rewritten it from a story about the successful integration of exiles into one about theft, greed, and racism. These allegations are sometimes combined with other post
Wang Zhen, Alfred Tovias, Peter Bergamin, Menachem Klein, Tally Kritzman-Amir, and Pnina Peri
police violence. These, however, were crucial efforts to receive recognition and develop solidarity with the Ethiopian Jewish community call to stop police racism. As the authors write: “Contemporary police forces simultaneously embody the quest for