Modern political theory, while defining a democratic political regime, puts an emphasis on institutions and procedures. According to this view, whether a particular country is democratic or not depends on the ability of the opposition to oust the incumbent government without leaving the framework of existing institutions and procedures. Cultural values that sustain the democratic polity, including the spirit of political equality, are given much less attention. These values are assumed to be already present, either as a reflection of our similar physical constitution or as a reflection of the presence of democratic political regimes. This research challenges both the monopoly of the procedural understanding of democracy and the lack of particular interest regarding the construction of egalitarian political culture. I claim, first, that the rise of an egalitarian political culture contributes to the establishment of a democratic political regime and, second, that the establishment of modern schools in the late sixteenth century contributed to the construction of this egalitarian political culture.
democracy with participatory elements by drawing on a rich tradition of symbols, myths, and discourses that link civic republicanism, egalitarianism, secularism, militant citizenship, and participatory democracy with national identity. This article
Neither Reformers nor Réformés
The Construction of French Modernity in the Nineteenth Century
Modernity has typically been considered a process consisting of “modernizing” initiatives concerned with nation-building, industrial economic development, and new social and political practices associated with democratization. This article engages ongoing debates regarding the import and meaning of modernity for historians and argues in favor of an historically situated understanding of the modern based upon an examination of social power and identity in post-revolutionary France. In particular, it assesses the transformation of social and political relationships in the nineteenth century as France embraced mass democracy and overseas imperial expansion in North Africa, arguing that modernity became a convenient means of preserving elite primacy and identity in an age increasingly oriented toward egalitarianism, democratic participation, and the acquisition of global empires.
Bernard Faÿ and the Rise of American Studies in Third-Republic France
John L. Harvey
Perhaps no other French historian led such a sordid academic career as that of Bernard Faÿ, who held the first European chair in American history at the Collège de France from 1932 to his removal in 1944. Celebrated as the leading interwar specialist on America, Faÿ was a steadfast ally of the Catholic political Right. His conservatism, however, never threatened his international stature or his domestic academic standing until 1940, after which he led the Vichy regime's assault on Freemasonry. He succeeded as a historian by employing research on the United States to reject traditions of popular sovereignty, while also embracing new methodological trends that critiqued scientific positivism, often as an attack on the intellectual foundation of the Third Republic. His legacy suggests how the conceptual legitimacy of secular, egalitarian society could be contested through the very ideas that "cosmopolitan modernity" had sought to support.
Jonas Hultin Rosenberg
Although the all-affected principle has been described as fundamentally egalitarian ( Goodin 2007 ), it has also been viewed as non-egalitarian in a way that makes it incompatible with political equality ( Erman 2014 ). The all-affected principle is thus
Jean-Paul Gagnon and Selen A. Ercan
“liberalism” and “egalitarianism” are both ill-defined. Vogt also suggests that long-term decision-making, the consideration of future generations, is a hallmark tactic for combatting the “myopia, the short terms of electoral cycles” of many European countries
Political Representation beyond Representative Democracy
that make up this bloc proceed in horizontal, egalitarian ways that prevent the rise of leadership among them? Laclau makes a plausible case for the need of representation at a discursive level, whereby particular signifiers stand for essentially
Powerlessness and Unfairness
A Letter to Jan Zielonka
your mind – an egalitarian version of liberalism, mentioned only in passing (e.g. on p. 22) and once supported, in your view, by Dahrendorf as well. “Egalitarianism,” however, is almost as evasive a political concept as “liberalism” – its connotations
Samuel Moyn and Jean-Paul Gagnon
.1093/acprof:oso/9780190670979.001.0001 Fargher , Lane , Richard Blanton , and Verenice Y Heredia Espinoza . 2010 . “ Egalitarian Ideology and Political Power in Prehispanic Central Mexico: The Case of Tlaxcallan ”. Latin American Antiquity 21 ( 3
The Limits of Liberal Democracy
Prospects for Democratizing Democracy
social policies and wise strategies to achieve egalitarian policy goals with the greatest efficiency and lowest drag on economic prosperity ” ( Diamond and Morlino 2005: xxviii, author's emphasis ). As Wood (1995, 237) asked, back in the 1990s, with