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Michael Boyden, Ali Basirat, and Karl Berglund

words associated with the “corporate ecology” that dominates much of today's green politics. 40 Figure 4.4. Composite vector climate and environment for the period 2000–2010 Conclusion It is a common truism that global warming

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Carol Hager

is striking, she says, that “some in our party know the eastern United States better than eastern Germany.” 17 The Evolution of Green Politics in United Germany In the ensuing decades, four related trends have gradually changed this picture

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Stephen Milder and Konrad H. Jarausch

The September 2013 Bundestag election, which reelected Angela Merkel

as chancellor, was a clear defeat for the Green Party. Alliance 90/The

Greens (henceforth the Greens) fared far better than the Free Democratic

Party (FDP), which failed even to score the five percent of the vote required

for representation in parliament, but still fell from 10.7 percent to 8.4 percent,

losing five of their sixty-eight seats in parliament. Since in March of

that same year, surveys had shown their support at 17 percent, this disappointing

result forced Jürgen Trittin, the leader of the parliamentary delegation

to step down.1 In many ways, this perceived electoral debacle marked

the end of an era. The former Federal Minister of the Envi ron ment, who

had originally joined the party in 1980, told reporters that “a new generation” would have to step forward and lead the party into the 2017

campaign. This statement suggested not only that the Greens’ rebellious

founding impulse was spent, but also that they had become part of the

establishment in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), now requiring a

reinvigoration of their own. Since the Greens were once expected to be little

more than a short-lived byproduct of the social conflicts of the 1970s, a

closer look at the party’s founding moment at the beginning of the 1980s

might shed new light on its current predicament.

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Stephen Milder

This article narrates the development of the antinuclear movement from the bottom up, showing how local protests initiated changes in Germans' ideas about democracy and public participation, precipitating the Green Party's emergence. The narrative begins with the pre-history of the 1975 occupation of the Wyhl reactor site in Southern Baden. It shows that vintners' concerns about the future of their livelihoods underpinned protests at Wyhl, but argues that the anti-reactor coalition grew in breadth after government officials' perceived misconduct caused local people to connect their agricultural concerns with democracy matters. It then explains how local protests like the Wyhl occupation influenced the formation of the German Green Party in the late 1970s, showing how the sorts of convergences that occurred amidst “single issue” protests like the anti-Wyhl struggle enabled a wide variety of activists to come together in the new party. Thus, the article argues that particular, local concerns initiated a rethinking of participation in electoral politics. Far from fracturing society, these local concerns promoted diverse new coalitions and shaped an inclusive approach to electoral politics.

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Silke Mende

The West German Green Party's 1983 entrance into the Bundestag marked a major break, both in the history of this young political force and the parliamentary system of the Bonn Republic. The Greens had been founded in opposition to the guiding principles of the West German postwar consensus and conceived of themselves as an “anti-parliamentary party.” Although they had gained parliamentary experience in some regional chambers, their entrance onto the national parliamentary stage juxtaposed old ideals and new challenges—for the Greens themselves as well as for German political culture. Taking this singular historic moment as a starting point, this article summarizes the formation of the Greens in the context of the changing political and ideological landscape of the 1970s. It also contrasts the party's formation with the transformations in terms of program and personnel that it undertook during the 1980s. The focus lies less on the specific activities of the green parliamentary group than on the broader developments in green politics and thinking.

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policy areas and issues. Carol Hager provides an excellent overview of the evolution of green politics from the 1980s to the present, while Steve Silvia does the same for the German economy—concluding that despite some storm clouds on the horizon, the

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Tracey Heatherington

2010: 198). This “bright green politics” gives a nod to some very important concerns about environmental and climate justice. Yet a critical reader might still crave grounded examples. In this book, Wapner (2010) tells us remarkably little about the

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Jeff Kirby

. 2014 . “ An Emerging Eco-Habitus: The Reconfiguration of High Cultural Capital Practices Among Ethical Consumers ”. Journal of Consumer Culture 14 ( 2 ): 158 – 178 . 10.1177/1469540514526227 Carter , Alan . 1999 . A Radical Green Political Theory

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Carol Hager

been missing from Green politics at the national level. Baerbock was not alone, however, in claiming leadership on climate issues. Both the spd and Union candidates took credit for the major strides made during Merkel's tenure as chancellor. cdu

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Eugene N. Anderson, Jodie Asselin, Jessica diCarlo, Ritwick Ghosh, Michelle Hak Hepburn, Allison Koch, and Lindsay Vogt

green politics of limits.” The degrowth movement and local-food movements are provided as examples of green thinking. In his critique, Symons argues that reducing consumption today is politically infeasible and will require undemocratic strategies of