Vladimir Putin years, this xenophobic nationalist position steadfastly gained ground by largely incorporating another version of nationalism of long standing in Russia, namely, spiritual nationalism. In response to developments in Ukraine, but also to
Iver B. Neumann
So What Is the Anthropology of Buddhism About?
David N. Gellner
study of communalism and ethno-nationalism, Turek on emotion and charisma, and White with spirit possession. This collection of case studies provides a good overview of the range of work on Buddhism, both Mahāyāna and Theravāda, that is now being done
Contrasting Representations of Irish and Zionist Nationalism in British Political Discourse (1917–1922)
Britain’s tutelage, took up arms against their former ally to achieve their “independence” and create their own state by force. As a focal point for competing nationalisms, the example of Palestine revealed the glaring inadequacy of British imperial rule
Police Power and Popular Culture in Colonial Algerian Theater
Arabic-language theater in Algiers paralleled the development of Algerian nationalism, an accident of fate that intertwines the history of theater and nationalism in colonial Algeria. Algerian Arabic theater appeared belatedly, gradually gaining
Misplacing the Dilemmas of the European Union--In Memory of Stanley Hoffmann
Charles S. Maier
Volk. How they acquired statehood constituted the lessons that generations of students learned as the core of historical knowledge. Nations did not need territorial instantiation; although as Ernest Gellner summarized, nationalism was the national
Keïta Fodéba and the Imagining of National Culture in Guinea
Andrew W. M. Smith
such luminaries was discouraged, hampering the development of a consensus movement for change. When combined with the vernacular of cultural nationalism, the questionable political allegiance of elites courted the risk of external interference. The
Beginning in the 1980s, several historians began to challenge the view that fascism was a marginal phenomenon in interwar France, a view dubbed "the immunity thesis" by one of its critics. Surveying a range of works on far-Right intellectuals and movements during the 1920s and 1930s, this article suggests that "the immunity thesis" has been increasingly challenged by a variety of historians since the mid-1990s. However, a consensus on the issue has not emerged, as a number of historians stress the need to differentiate between fascism and other forms of right-wing nationalism in the French context. At the same time, there are signs that scholars are beginning to move beyond questions of categorization and address other themes relating to the inter-war Right. These new agendas have the potential to broaden our understanding of the late Third Republic in general.
Gregg O. Kvistad, The Rise and Demise of German Statism: Loyalty and Political Membership (Providence and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1999)
Hartmut Lehmann and Hermann Wellenreuther (eds.), German and American Nationalism: A Comparative Perspective (Oxford and New York: Berg, 1999)
Jennifer Ruth Hosek
The West Berlin anti-authoritarians around Rudi Dutschke employed a notion of subaltern nationalism inspired by independence struggles in the global South and particularly by post 1959 Cuba to legitimate their loosely understood plans to recreate West Berlin as a revolutionary island. Responding to Che Guevara's call for many Vietnams, they imagined this Northern metropolis as a Focus spreading socialism of the third way throughout Europe, a conception that united their local and global aims. In focusing on their interpretation of societal changes and structures in Cuba, the anti-authoritarians deemphasized these plans' potential for violence. As a study of West German leftists in transnational context, this article suggests the limitations of confining analyses of their projects within national or Northern paradigms. As a study of the influence of the global South on the North in a non-(post)colonial situation, it suggests that such influence is greater than has heretofore been understood.
Conservative French nationalists had successfully labeled antimilitarism as antinationalist in the two decades preceding World War I. Because some of the more vocal antimilitarists were also involved in anarchist and radical Marxist organizations, historians largely have accepted this antinationalist label while also arguing that French nationalism had lost its connections to the French Revolution and become a more extremist, protofascist movement. A closer look at mainstream antimilitarist arguments, however, reveals the continued existence of the republican nationalism that had dominated the nineteenth century and shows that antimilitarists did not reject their nation. Instead, antimilitarists sought to protect the Republic, which they saw as synonymous with the nation, against an increasingly conservative, anti-Republic military and conservative nationalists, whom antimilitarists saw as a danger to a republican France.