transit countries or corridors, in reality both countries now resemble cul-de-sacs, as they have become de facto (in)voluntary destination countries for “immobilized” asylum seekers, refugees, and other migrants wanting to stay there (Missbach and Phillips
Malaysian and Indonesian Responses to Australia's Migration and Border Policies
Antje Missbach and Gerhard Hoffstaedter
Reconceptualizing Transit States in an Era of Outsourcing, Offshoring, and Obfuscation
Antje Missbach and Melissa Phillips
incentives, through which they exert ongoing pressure on transit states ( De Haas 2008 ). Destination countries increasingly expect the transit countries receiving such incentives to put in place migration and border controls and preemptive deterrence
The (Re)Configuration of a Transit Country
Soledad Álvarez Velasco
, during the past three decades, the country has received immigrants and refugees (mostly Colombians), while being a transit country used by immigrants on their way to other destinations, and by Ecuadorean deportees mainly from the US to recommence their
Stemming the Flows of Migrants, but at What Cost?
significant transit country between West and North Africa, Niger has attracted the attention of the EU as a “laboratory” ( Maurice 2016 ) for the implementation of its efforts aimed at curbing the movement of migrants and refugees toward Europe and increasing
The Case of Irregular Migration from Libya
( Andersson 2016a ). This article investigates the way in which these threats are dealt with by external actors using the Central Mediterranean route as an example, specifically focusing on Libya as a transit country and departure point for irregular migration
Zeynep S. Mencutek
The increasing salience and variations of “voluntary” return techniques have not yet been thoroughly investigated in the context of Global South countries, which host the majority of displaced people. As the largest refugee host and transit country, the case of Turkey provides important insights on the role that these instruments and the very notion of “voluntariness” play for migration governance. This article specifically looks at how Turkey develops and implements its own “voluntary return” instruments. The analysis illustrates different ways in which “voluntary” returns are being institutionalized at central state and substate levels across the country. It shows how these national mechanisms are imposed at multiple sites, while also being diffused as practices in everyday interactions with refugees across the country. The arguments I put forward arise from qualitative research that combined mapping of policy papers, national legislation, and interviews with returnees and other relevant stakeholders.
Against State Failure or the State Itself?
Although the Czech Republic (CR) is not a favorite destination nor even a transit country for migrants through Europe, the refugee crisis has materialized into a strict state policy of rejection. The CR rejects proposals for European solutions and detains and imprisons immigrants, most of whom are inadvertently arrived there. This preliminary refusal strategy is peculiar to both the political and media spheres (and public opinion) and is described in the opening sections of this work. However, the CR, is also a country in which the tally of immigrants is less than the number of Czechs citizens traveling beyond their national borders to help refugees congregating along the “Balkan Route”, where they frequently outnumber volunteers from other countries. This paper goes on to describe the development of these grassroots Czech volunteer organizations and activities in 2015. From the beginning it was characterized by spontaneity and a lack of hierarchy, with the Internet and social media playing a vital role during mobilization and organization. The methodological section defines how this sample was analyzed and the manner in which it was dealt. Section five summarizes the most important findings of the case study: (1) the results of a questionnaire survey among volunteers, (2) the results of a qualitative content analysis of their communication in social networks. Besides basic mapping steps (features of volunteer’s participation), the analysis attempts to capture motivations for volunteer’s participation. Comparison with selected motivation typologies emphasizes the protective (later the normative) motivation, on which the hypotheses are based regarding the dispute about the national identity of volunteering as an ideological, and therefore foreseeable, dispute.
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Mette Louise Berg, and Johanna Waters
two ‘People and Places’ pieces, the section direct[s] attention to transit countries in the global South both to examine how they react to … external demands to become gatekeepers and, more importantly, to understand the (self
Engaging with the Politics of Care and Refugees’ Dwelling Practices in the Italian Urban Context
Camillo Boano and Giovanna Astolfo
individual trajectories. For many people, the journey to Italy is a protracted one, with multiple departure points. Italy is not necessarily the intended “arrival country”; most often, for Syrian refugees, it is a transit country on the way to Germany, and to
Nof Nasser-Eddin and Nour Abu-Assab in Conversation
Nof Nasser-Eddin and Nour Abu-Assab
leave those “transit” countries, and we call them “transit” because, supposedly, they are meant to be there for a temporary time. But no, they eventually stay in those countries, and don't want to carry on with the journey to reach Western countries