balanced, nuanced account. For instance, a significantly understudied part of liberal democracy's past is the dynamic that existed between democratization in Europe being facilitated by conquest and colonization abroad ( Hobson 2015: 135–137 ). Greater
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Ordoliberal White Democracy, Elitism, and the Demos
The Case of Wilhelm Röpke
Phillip Becher, Katrin Becker, Kevin Rösch, and Laura Seelig
changed its appearance by recombining elements that were present in its ideological core from the start ( Kofler 1959 ). The initial skeptical attitude of classical liberals toward further radical democratization in theory and practice, however, was
Jean-Paul Gagnon, Hans Asenbaum, Dannica Fleuss, Sonia Bussu, Petra Guasti, Rikki Dean, Pierrick Chalaye, Nardine Alnemr, Friedel Marquardt, and Alexander Weiss
alternative democratic practices and democratic innovations (an expanded democratization toolkit in short); (2) it provides a global democracy conservation project that is designed to both rescue the democracies from obscurity and share them with as many
“While it lasts”
Strategizing with precarity in internationally funded project labor in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Nejra Nuna Čengić
This article traces transformations of labor through an exploration of a relatively new employment sector in supervised postsocialist, postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), where internationally funded, temporary, project-based contracts are the rule. Focusing on atypical white-collar precarious workers who have strung together 10 to 25 years on successive short projects in IGOs and NGOs in Sarajevo (under the umbrella of democratization, peacebuilding and EU integration agendas), I investigate their ways of strategizing to accumulate such continuity through cultivation of three kinds of assets: sector-specific competences, favorable positionality, and a disposition of optimism. I argue that their “successful” strategizing, generally in line with neoliberal rationality and mainly developed within this sector, is facilitated by similar structural conditions of overall precarity, temporariness and provisionality in wider BiH society.
Rage and Protest
The Case of the Greek Indiginant Movement
Marilena Simiti
In 2011 numerous 'Occupy' and anti-austerity protests took place across Europe and the United States. Passionate indignation at the failure of political elites became a mobilizing force against formal political institutions. In Greece a mass movement known as the Aganaktismeni (the Indignant) became the main agent of social resistance to the memorandum signed by the Greek government, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund. The Greek movement did not take the form of a social movement sharing a collective identity. Left-wing protestors played a prominent role. Protestors embracing right-wing populist frames also participated actively in collective mobilizations, while segments of the extreme right attempted to manipulate rage to their advantage. During the Greek Indignant movement civil society remained a terrain contested by conflicting political forces. This unique feature of the Greek movement posed a completely different challenge to the principles of diversity and inclusiveness than the one debated within the Spanish Indignados and the Occupy protests. Furthermore, it illustrates that rage and indignation may spark dissimilar forms of political contention. Hence, rage and indignation do not merely motivate ‘passive citizens’ to participate in collective protest. They are linked to cognitive frames and individual preferences, which influence protestors’ claims and mobilizations’ political outcomes. Accordingly, advances in democratization and inclusive citizenship are only one of the possible outcomes of mobilizations prompted by rage and indignation.
Erick Alfonso Galán Castro, América Libertad Rodríguez Herrera, and José Luis Rosas-Acevedo
Abstract
This article analyzes three types of water governance in the sub-basin of La Sabana River–Tres Palos Lagoon from the perspective of Michel Foucault's governmentality. These processes—including the board of directors of the Metropolitan Water Operator Organism called the Drinking Water and Sewage Commission of the Municipality of Acapulco (CAPAMA), the Basin Council of the La Sabana River–Laguna de Tres Palos Lagoon, and an experience in community water management in the town of Kilómetro 30, in the same municipality of Acapulco—are addressed through analysis based on the following question: How is the relationship between citizens and officials for water management in the Acapulco region governed? The actors perceive a greater tendency for political control than democratization in decision-making.
Resumen
Este artículo analiza tres tipos de gobernanza del agua en la subcuenca del Río La Sabana–Laguna de tres Palos desde la perspectiva de la gubernamentalidad de Michel Foucault. Estos procesos—el Consejo de Administración del Organismo Operador de Agua metropolitano denominado Comisión de Agua Potable y Alcantarillado del Municipio de Acapulco (CAPAMA), el Consejo de Cuenca del Río La Sabana– Laguna de Tres Palos, y una experiencia de gestión comunitaria de agua en la localidad de Kilómetro 30, del mismo municipio de Acapulco—son observados mediante la pregunta: ¿Cómo se gubernamentaliza la relación entre ciudadanos y funcionarios para la gestión del agua en esa región? Los actores perciben una mayor tendencia al control político que a la democratización en la toma de decisiones.
Résumé
Cet article analyse trois types de gouvernance de l'eau dans le sous-bassin de la rivière La Sabana-Laguna de tres Palos du point de vue de la gouvernementalité de Michel Foucault. Ces instances -le conseil d'administration de l'organisme métropolitain de l'exploitant de l'eau appelé Commission de l'eau potable et des égouts de la municipalité d'Acapulco (CAPAMA), le conseil du bassin du Río la Sabana-Laguna de Tres Palos, et une expérience dans la gestion communautaire de l'eau dans la localité du Kilometro 30, dans la même municipalité d'Acapulco-, sont observées à partir de la question suivante: comment la relation entre les citoyens et les responsables de la gestion de l'eau est-elle gouvernementalisée dans cette région? Il en ressort qu'en ce qui concerne la prise de décision, les acteurs perçoivent davantage une tendance au contrôle politique qu'à la démocratisation.
Reflecting on Fifty Years of Democratic Theory
Carole Pateman in Conversation with Graham Smith
Carole Pateman and Graham Smith
't know. I went there in 2015 and got the impression that participatory budgeting had already probably peaked. Smith: We seem to be getting back to your earlier point that we don't spend enough time thinking about what it means to democratize the
Reform, Transformation, Emancipation
Conceptualizing Political Protest in Modern Democracies
Christian Volk
the Democratization of Democracy When we look at protest in terms of the distinction between transformative and reformist protest, an increase in protest will not automatically signify a loss of legitimacy for modern democracies. Rather, the rise of
Democratic Procedures Are Not Inherently Democratic
A Critical Analysis of John Keane's The New Despotism (Harvard University Press, 2020)
Gergana Dimova
despotisms and compares it to the view of elections in the existing literature. It suggests that the latter purports that democratic procedures have a democratizing effect, while Keane presents elections as a despotism-enhancing and despotism
A Radical Democratic Lens to Rejuvenating European Union Democracy Support
Thinking about the Political with a Capital P
Nathan Vandeputte
fact such support should be abolished, and if not, whether such support itself must or could be democratized through including—rather than excluding—more plural perspectives of democracy ( Koelble and Lipuma 2008 ; Kurki 2013 ; Rutazibwa 2014