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Emotions are, of course, no newcomers to the writing of South Asian history. Works on gender history have included discussions on love; research on riots and revolts has examined fear, anger, and hope; the historiography on nationalism would not be possible

's death in 1966, former West German chancellor Ludwig Erhard—political flagship of the social market economy—praised his works as a “decisive inspiration in his journey toward liberalism” ( Kolev 2019: xxi ). The fear of the people and the distaste for

, dissenting. They may take it to the next level and seek to overthrow the regime. This feasible perspective of democratic procedures benefiting the demos, and not the elites, is what despotisms fear the most. Their fears are justified. Mikhail Gorbachev

democracy, the first decades of this century have been defined by increasing doubts and fears. In their introduction, the editors are explicit in their hope that, “by paying attention to these marginalized conceptions of democracy we contribute to the

the creation of a society in which “common” individuals do not live a life that actively cultivates civil liberty. This life, as we understand it, is one that tries to lessen the fear and hatred that sometimes germinates among, and between, people

's fear of losing control over the decision-making process’” (2021: 736). As already mentioned, much higher participation rates were achieved on other occasions such as referenda on specific issues (e.g., possible government pacts) or intra

idea with a colleague from our local branch, they acclaimed in slight horror: “But [if we were to listen to everyone] then there's no telling what kind of ideas they might have!” The quote summarizes several fears that my colleagues held: they had

instead feel that their votes are so meaningless that they can be tossed away on a candidate whose only qualification is his willingness to reinforce their hatreds, give meaning to their fears, and target their enemies real and imagined, that surely is a

, which, given the centrality of accountability to democracy, undermines the possibility of democratic government. One classic, liberal, response to a global state stems from the fear that centralizing all political power in one institution would lead to

nature of this debate by suggesting that Hume feared the velocity of credit would neutralize states, undermine the political appeal of foresight, and shape the fate of future generations. 18 These fears, and the specters of their failed solutions, have