anthropologist, and by sharing my experiences researching the controversial issue of corporal punishment in Japan. Based on these experiences, I believe that the field of anthropology will fade into the shadows of irrelevance unless we can find a way to interpret
One Path to Positive Anthropological Activism
Aaron L. Miller
Introduction, Translation Notes, and Comments
Ronjon Paul Datta and François Pizarro Noël
, sanctions, his main departure point. He dissects the limitations of approaches to law, morality, and penality that emphasize the intentions of legislators or the effects of punishment on the subject (e.g., suffering). The sociological alternative to this
What impact did the so-called Vatileaks scandal have on Italian politics? And how deep were the connections between the Vatican and the Italian transition of political assets in 2012? This in-depth analysis shows that the problems of the Church in relation to the state came much before the 2012 crisis, namely, during the time of the reluctant submission of Catholic hierarchies to Berlusconism.
Asher D. Colombo and Luigi La Fauci
In 2013, the European Court of Human Rights found that the conditions inside Italian prisons were so bad, they amounted to inhuman and/or degrading punishment. Since that time, the Italian government has attempted to reduce overcrowding inside prisons. This chapter shows that most of the reduction in overcrowding has not been the result of amnesties, pardons, or other forms of early release, such as electronic tagging. Rather, it is the result of changes that have decreased the number of individuals entering prison, in particular prisoners on remand and those awaiting final sentencing.
Simon Avery and Andrew Maunder
In October 1860, the New York-based magazine, Harper’s New Monthly, offered its readers this scathing commentary on the apparently morbid tendency among their British cousins to delve into the private lives of famous men and women. The magazine’s onslaught was both topical and contentious. The pleasures and punishments of fame experienced by such victimised ‘lions’ as Charles Dickens and Edward Bulwer Lytton, together with the public’s apparent right to ‘know’ everything, struck the writer as not only ‘vulgar’ but as clear evidence (if any were needed) of a degenerate culture. The situation was bad in America but much worse in Britain for there, as Harper’s noted, ‘John Bull is very fond of . . . talking about the private history of public men – prying into their bathing-tubs and counting the moles upon their necks.’ In the name of both art and decency, Harper’s made the following plea: ‘For the honour of the guild – for the fair name of literature – let us have done with peeping through keyholes and listening at cracks.’
Arab Women's Subalterniy During Political Struggles
Arab Spring movements in many Arab countries revealed a gap at the heart of Arab society and politics: the large-scale subalternity of Arab women in such movements. In this essay, I hypothesize that, with few exceptions, Arab women have always avoided participation in social and political activism because of their fear of political rape – raping women as punishment during political turmoil. The essay traces the history of political rape through different stages of Arab history. The examples are taken from history, literature and international reports and they mainly cover three countries: Syria, Egypt, and Libya. These examples prove that vulnerable women’s horror at any possibility of their being sexually abused and then rejected by their families and society has always haunted them, preventing them from struggling or protesting. The essay concludes that subalternity is the only stance from which Arab women can encounter political rape. Then, the essay discusses the subalternity of Arab women in the light of the thought of the postcolonial critic Gayatri Spivak. This argument leads to the contention that the silence of Arab women vulnerable to political rape should not be considered passive and that feminist theories and actions cannot be successful in supporting subaltern Arab women without the ethical responsibility theorized by Spivak as the most appropriate approach to the subaltern female. This approach entails respecting subaltern Arab women’s culture and fears and avoiding any attempt to make them copies of the European feminist self. Subaltern Arab women who are afraid of being sexually abused have the right to protect their bodies and stick to their culture while still participating in public life.
Reinventing Anthropological Topics
it illegal to those who consider ‘the good and pure intentions’ sufficient), and to see how the legal notion of ‘right to privacy’ can protect individuals from punishment. Legal, religious and sociological views are discussed, and the article
‘On the General Physics of Law and Morality, 4th Year of the Course, 1st Lecture, December 2, 1899, Course Outline: On Penal Sanctions’
Émile Durkheim, François Pizarro Noël and Ronjon Paul Datta
public opinion; 7 and restitutive sanctions, those that do not involve punishment but simply consist of restoring the relationship troubled by the immoral criminal act. The ideal type of the first variety is penalty, the ideal type of the second are
Confinement, Power and Resistance in Freetown's Central Prison
Luisa T. Schneider
Sites of confinement – sites of academic interest Questions regarding the logics of punishment and confinement have long inspired academic work because they serve as microcosms for a society's composition and disposition. Friedrich Nietzsche showed
The Imprisonment of Women in Eighteenth-Century Siberia
women was not an anomaly, but rather a set of regular measures to counter political opposition of the elite through corporal punishment. Notable elite women, such as Ekaterina Dolgorukaia, Peter II's fiancée, also accompanied their noble families in