efforts were at times successful in their desired end of influencing public opinion. The late Victorian and Edwardian periods have often been approached through the prism of two key socio-political anxieties about British national security: the fears of
‘William Le Queux, Master of Misinformation’
Ailise Bulfin and Harry Wood
Art and Political Crises in Between the Acts
Jane de Gay
In ‘Why Art Follows Politics’, published in The Daily Worker in 1936, Virginia Woolf remarked on a change in the conditions for creativity in the late 1930s. She wrote that the artist’s studio was now ‘far from being a cloistered spot where he can contemplate his model or his apple in peace’, for it was ‘besieged by voices, all disturbing, some for one reason, some for another.’ She characterised the developing political crisis in terms of auditory disturbance or interruption, including the noises of radio news; the voices of dictators addressing the public by megaphone in the streets, and public opinion, which, Woolf wrote, called for artists to prove their social and political usefulness. In extreme political systems, artists were forced to compromise and use their work for political purposes – to ‘celebrate fascism; celebrate communism’ – in order to be allowed to practise at all.
The social purity ‘crusade’ that gathered force after 1885 initiated a change both in ways of representing prostitution and in public opinion about ways of dealing with the sexually deviant woman. Since the 1860s the police had been granted the power under the Contagious Diseases Acts to apprehend women of doubtful virtue in the streets and insist that they be medically examined; if found to be diseased, they could then be detained in lock hospitals. Once these acts were repealed in 1885, prostitutes had greater freedom but were also kept under surveillance by philanthropists and the medical profession. A variety of discourses constructed the prostitute either as an innocent victim of male lust or as a ‘demon’ and ‘contagion of evil’. Judith Walkowitz has argued that such an ideological framework excluded the experience of women who drifted into this lifestyle temporarily, and provided ‘a restrictive and moralistic image’ of the fallen woman. Arguably, literary representations of prostitutes tended to flesh out the potentially restrictive images used in feminist, medical and periodical writing on the subject, though no form of discourse was immune to the strong influence of the language of purity used by the members of the National Vigilance Association (NVA) and its advocates.
Jean-Paul Sartre and Ronald Aronson
In early 1945, with the war not yet over, Sartre travelled to the United States for the first time. He travelled with a group of correspondents who were invited in order to influence French public opinion favourably towards the United States.1 Sartre was sent by his friend Albert Camus to report back to Combat, the leading newspaper of the independent left. Once invited, he arranged also to report back to the conservative newspaper, Le Figaro. Simone de Beauvoir reports that learning of Camus’ invitation in late 1944 was one of the most exciting moments of Sartre’s life.
The French monarchy's determination to suspend the trading rights of the Compagnie des Indes in 1769 stimulated a lively public debate over the establishment of commercial liberty in the Indies trade. Since mid-century, Vincent de Gournay and his disciples had advocated increased liberty in French commerce, and the Compagnie des Indes' privileged trading monopoly offered a tempting target for these reformers. Working on behalf of the ministry, the abbé Morellet undertook the task of convincing public opinion of the benefits that liberty of commerce in the Indies trade would bring to France. However, the company's principal banker Jacques Necker and physiocrat Pierre-Samuel Dupont raised serious doubts concerning both the feasibility and the value of such reform. These critiques challenged any expectation that commercial liberty would increase French strength in the Indies trade or contest British political hegemony in India after the Seven Years' War.
Edited by Bryan Loughrey and Graham Holderness
. Its role was essential in changing public opinion and in particular persuading Parliament in 1967 to legislate to decriminalize (though initially only partially) homosexual relationships. The journal of that society was published from the front room of
William Le Queux's Dubious Place in Literary History: Part Two
A. Michael Matin
claim in his 1923 memoir Things I Know about Kings, Celebrities, and Crooks that he had been in possession of it since 1908, but that he had been ‘forced by hostile public opinion to keep it secret for seven years’. 9 And even when he published the so
Mobility, Liquidity and History in Shakespeare’s Mediterranean
Rui Carvalho Homem
in September 2015 on a beach in Bodrum, recognized as having impacted, in a variety of often contrasting ways, election campaigns and government policies in the west 25 ). The reactions of public opinions and electorates to such events and their
The Politics of William Le Queux
in the clutches of a strong enemy’. 69 By contrast, the National Observer questioned the author's understanding of public opinion: ‘London naturally falls into the hands of the Anarchist Mob, which, as a detail, has altered its view since it “went
, Celebrities and Crooks (London: Eveleigh, Nash and Grayson, 1923). 2 On the formation of MI5, including some comments on Le Queux's role in shaping public opinion, see Christopher Andrew, The Defence of the Realm: The Authorised History of MI5 (London