I would like to shift the question. I don’t think the important question is what Sartre would say after September 11, but rather, “What should we say about Sartre after September 11?”
Ronald Aronson, Ronald E. Santoni, and Robert Stone
Robert L. Paquette
Most historians, even specialists in the field of slavery, know little about the largest and bloodiest slave insurrection in United States history. The revolt broke out in a sugar-producing region in the Territory of Orleans in 1811, one year before Louisiana's statehood. A disciplined army of rebels composed of men and women, African-born slaves and creole slaves, mulattoes and blacks, skilled slaves and field hands, marched down the east bank of the Mississippi River in quickstep toward New Orleans. Stunned eyewitnesses observe slaves in military formation with drums beating and flags waving. At least some of the leaders of the revolt were uniformed, mounted on horseback, and wielded rearms. Charles, a mulatto slave driver allegedly from Saint-Domingue (Haiti), led the uprising. The 1811 insurrection raises big questions about the causes and content of slave rebellion. Why did the insurrection break out when and where it did? How were slaves of different types from different plantations mobilized to revolt? Was the Louisiana insurrection influenced by the slave revolution in Saint-Domingue? Or were the causes of the revolt local? Why did free-people of color assist whites in suppressing the movement? What were the goals of the rebels? Summary justice led to the grisly executions and mutilations of scores of slaves. Did torture and terror have the desired results for the master class?
Richard Godden, John Mole, John Greening, and Stephen Wade
Nature / Culture, New Orleans Haiku Gathering Around the Jackson Barracks Penitentiary. RICHARD GODDEN
Soneone Else’s Face JOHN MOLE
Kew JOHN GREENING
The Middle Way The Eel STEPHEN WADE
Following is a minimally edited transcript of a session on Sartre and terrorism from the North American Sartre Society meeting at Loyola University in New Orleans, March 2002. I organized the session as a response to the events of September 11, 2001. Initially at a loss to comprehend what occurred, I decided that this was exactly the kind of event that called for philosophical consideration. The attacks stunned me both in terms of the numbers of dead (I remember that morning hearing estimates of a possible 20,000 dead, now deter- mined to be just over 2,700) and perhaps even more because of the means used and the symbolic and cultural significance of the targets.
A New Idea of Democracy in Sartre's Hope Now
University Press, 2003), 86–87. See also Ronald Aronson, Ronald E. Santoni and Robert Stone, ‘The New Orleans Session – March 2002’, Sartre Studies International 9, no. 2 (2003): 9–25; Matthew C. Eshleman, ‘Is Violence Necessarily in Bad Faith?’ Sartre
Is Liberation without Freedom Possible?
New Orleans Session – March 2002’, Sartre Studies International 9, no. 2 (2003): 9–25, here 9. It is true that for Sartre ‘Violence by the oppressed is positive because it is a rupture with oppression. It is the birth of humanity, the beginning of