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Theorizing Democracy and Violence

The Case of Northern Ireland

Adrian Little

This article examines the concept of violence in contemporary political theory focusing in particular on the possibility of rethinking the relationship between violence and democracy. Rather than seeing democracy and violence as contrasting concepts, it argues that democratic societies have always been founded on the basis of violent engagement at some level. And, of course, the modern state has always claimed the legitimate use of force as a key ingredient in its authority. The article contends that many contemporary democratic discourses have lost sight of the integral relationship between democracy and violence. Indeed it is frequently the case that discourses of democracy are couched in ethical terms as the obverse of violence. Ironically, this trend is often most apparent where societies are either making a transition to democracy or where a process of conflict transformation is taking place. The limitations of these approaches for our understanding of violence and democracy will be outlined in this article through an examination of contemporary political developments in Northern Ireland.

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Cultural Justice and the Demands of Equal Citizenship

The Parading Dispute in Northern Ireland

Shane O'Neill

Within the liberal academic mainstream, normative political theory has in recent years been struggling to come to terms with the increasingly forceful demands of cultural justice. It has become evident that if liberalism is to address in a constructive way political controversies associated with multiculturalism and particularly those conflicts related to deep ethnonational conflicts, then it will have to reframe its commitment to individual freedom. Controversies arising from the politics of cultural pluralism reveal the inadequacy of any normative framework that fails to acknowledge the inextricable connection between individual freedom and the recognition of particular group identities. Individual freedom is conditional on the cultural freedom of those groups to which a specific individual feels a strong affiliation or sense of belonging. A group is culturally free if its members can express and celebrate their distinctiveness without cost to their status as equal citizens. In most Western democracies at least, gay and lesbian citizens, for example, have achieved much in recent decades by securing cultural freedom through the public celebration of their difference. For most of the individuals involved this has been a liberating experience in terms of the recognition by others of their freedom and equality as citizens. This experience of freedom is to be contrasted with the experience of alienation that results when citizens are unjustly forced to choose between the expression of their cultural distinctiveness and the achievement of equal status as members of the political community.

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Tschüss, Perfidious Albion

German Reactions to Brexit

Eric Langenbacher

that the outcome would mirror the result of the Scottish independence referendum of September 2014, in which 55 percent voted to remain in the United Kingdom. Fissures within the British electorate were clear. London, Scotland, Northern Ireland

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Conjunctures and Convergences

Remaking the World Cultures Displays at the National Museum of Scotland

Henrietta Lidchi

identity, pride, history, and wealth. The aim here is to provide insight into the near history and creative process that framed the development of the World Cultures displays in a devolved nation. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK

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Theo Jung, Cristian Roiban, Gregor Feindt, Alexandra Medzibrodszky, Henna-Riikka Pennanen, and Anna Björk

was the case in Northern Ireland, the question is whether the polity as such is considered a legitimate political entity and worthy of recognition: just like part of the population in the newly defined Ulster in Northern Ireland, the Palestinian

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Patrick Cockburn

in central London and were using it as a base for political protest over the G8 summit taking place in Northern Ireland at the time ( BBC News 2013a ). The second news report investigated a football ground in North London where around fifty Romanian

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Kan-di(e)-dat?

Unpacking Gender Images across Angela Merkel’s Four Campaigns for the Chancellorship, 2005–2017

Joyce Marie Mushaben

, suggesting the problematic Ukrainian revolution, unrequited soccer love in the Netherlands, “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland, and a high state of alarm at the Department of Homeland Security, but our speaker was too young to see the connections. 33 Campaign

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Solicitor Brown and His Boy

Love, Sex, and Scandal in Twentieth-Century Ireland

Averill Earls

encouraged (or forced, according to Leslie) his son to join the army in 1939. Leslie deserted St. Lucia Barracks in Omagh, Northern Ireland, in 1940. He then worked on a farm for a few months before hitchhiking to Dublin. Almost as soon as he got to Dublin

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Christian Schweiger

rejected Cameron’s argument that their country would be strengthened if it continued to pool its sovereignty inside the eu . All regions supported this view, apart from Scotland, London, and Northern Ireland. Opposition to the government’s perspective was

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“Hitlermania”

Nazism and the Holocaust in Indian History Textbooks

Basabi Khan Banerjee and Georg Stöber

quality of these textbooks is also reflected in our sources. For example, one Tamil Nadu textbook presents a map showing Scotland and Northern Ireland as areas under Axis occupation during the Second World War (Tamil Nadu XII, 2017, 229). In the edition of