Workers’ control in the enterprise is a necessary condition for freedom but it is not a sufficient condition ( Turner 2015 : 64 ). Detained, interrogated and tortured by the South African security police in early 1982, trade union activist
Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand
Steve Kwok-Leung Chan
-surplus nation. More than three million Burmese work in Thailand. The vast majority is unskilled workers, and about two-thirds of them are undocumented and smuggled. The material differences between Myanmar and Thailand, including the lack of employment
Workers, Colonial Subjects, and the Affective Politics of French Romantic Socialism
Naomi J. Andrews
thousands throughout the July Monarchy. 3 Military violence in Algeria was an ongoing backdrop to episodic rebellions in France’s slave colonies in the Caribbean, and to frequent and often widespread worker unrest in French cities in the 1830s and 40s
Training Health Workers for Community-Based Roles in Ghana
the need to build the capacity of health workers to facilitate positive healthcare relationships within their communities in addition to fulfilling their roles as clinicians. This suggests new forms of knowledge production in the field of developing
International migration in the contemporary era of globalization generates complex inequalities that require a non-statist approach to justice. This paper considers how the analysis of these inequalities may be fruitfully undertaken using Nancy Fraser’s framework of redistribution, recognition, and representation. The discussion uses empirical material from a case study of Ethiopian women who migrate as domestic workers to countries in the Middle East. The paper suggests potential directions for more transformative approaches to justice within the context of international migration.
Irina S. Burlacu and Cathal O'Donoghue
English abstract: This article aims to assess the impact of the social security coordination policy on the welfare of mobile workers, defined here as the EU citizens who had previously worked in another EU country than the one where they currently reside. The following research question is investigated: "To whom does a mobile worker need to be compared: to a worker in their country of residence (domestic) or to an earner in their country of employment (mobile), and why?" The article seeks to identify the counterpart group of comparison of mobile earners, taking the case of Luxembourg and Belgium. This analysis enables us to disentangle the effects of coordination policy on more working groups, and it tries to elucidate the importance of inter-group comparison. The results illustrate that the most equally treated groups are domestic earners and mobile earners, who reside in the same country. The most unequally treated are mobile earners and domestic earners from the country of employment, the uneven contribution premiums and unemployment benefit contravenes with the principle of equal treatment praxis.
Spanish abstract: El presente artículo busca evaluar el impacto de la política de coordinación de la seguridad social sobre el bienestar de los trabajadores móviles. Mediante el análisis de la cuestión ¿con quién se debe comparar un trabajador móvil?: ¿con un trabajador nacional en su país de residencia o con un trabajador móvil en el país donde trabaja, y por qué?, se trata de identificar la situación hipotética de los trabajadores móviles mediante la comparación de los ingresos de los trabajadores nacionales y móviles en el desempleo. Este análisis nos permitirá separar los efectos de las políticas de coordinación en más grupos de trabajadores, ya que trata de dilucidar el uso de las comparaciones de los diferentes grupos de trabajadores. Los resultados muestran que el nivel de las prestaciones de desempleo entre los trabajadores nacionales y móviles, es relativamente el mismo. Al mismo tiempo, aparecen grandes discrepancias en las ganancias cuando se comparan a los trabajadores móviles con los trabajadores de su país de empleo. En este caso, la desigual contribución a las primas/beneficios y las bajas prestaciones al desempleo de los trabajadores móviles y nacionales, contraviene con la práctica del principio de igualdad de trato.
French abstract: Cet article a pour objectif d'évaluer l'impact de la politique de coordination de la sécurité sociale sur le bien-être des travailleurs mobiles en posant la question de savoir avec qui il faut les comparer. Faut-il comparer un employé mobile à un employé fixe travaillant dans son pays de résidence ou bien dans son pays d'emploi et pourquoi? Nous cherchons à me re en relief la situation hypothétique des travailleurs mobiles en comparant le revenu des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles au chômage. Cette analyse nous perme ra de mieux saisir les effets de la politique de coordination sur un grand nombre de travailleurs, tout comme elle nous permettra de montrer l'utilité qu'il y a de comparer ces différents groupes de travailleurs. Le résultat montre que le montant de l'allocation chômage est relativement similaire entre celui d'un travailleur fixe et mobile. Par ailleurs, on relève d'importantes différences entre le revenu des travailleurs mobiles et celui des travailleurs nationaux. Dans ce cas, la cotisation inégale aux primes et indemnités de chômage des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles contredit le principe d'égalité de traitement entre les personnes.
This article presents an account of a Qashqa'i health worker's upbringing, education and training, noting in particular his transition from life in a traditional nomadic family through completion of a formal education. The health worker, Jamal, describes certain problems of modernity and the personal conflict he faces as someone who loves his culture but also wants to see improvements in the health status of his people. Written by a Qashqa'i author, who brings his own sensitivity and cultural knowledge to the text, the article makes some recommendations about the training and integration of rural health workers in Iran.
Participation, Perceptions, and Challenges in Advocacy
Ryan I. Logan
Community health workers (CHWs) participate in advocacy as a crucial means to empower clients in overcoming health disparities and to improve the health and social well-being of their communities. Building on previous studies, this article proposes a new framework for conceptualising CHW advocacy, depending on the intended impact level of CHW advocacy. CHWs participate in three ‘levels’ of advocacy, the micro, the macro, and the professional. This article also details the challenges they face at each level. As steps are taken to institutionalise these workers throughout the United States and abroad, there is a danger that their participation in advocacy will diminish. As advocacy serves as a primary conduit through which to empower clients, enshrining this role in steps to integrate these workers is essential. Finally, this article provides justification for the impacts of CHWs in addressing the social determinants of health and in helping their communities strive towards health equity.
Mexican and Jamaican transnational farmworkers in Canada
This article analyzes the ideology and practice of multi-unit competition that pervades neoliberal subjectivities and produces the “ideal” flexible worker within contemporary global capitalism. It demonstrates how state and capitalist interests converge to influence the selection of the ideal transnational migrant worker, how prospective migrants adapt to these expectations, and the consequences of such enactments, particularly for migrants, but also for the societies in which they live and work. Multiple levels of actors—employers, state bureaucrats, and migrants themselves—collude in producing the flexible, subaltern citizen, which includes constructions and relations of class, race, gender, and nationality/citizenship. The case study focuses on Mexican and Jamaican participants in Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program, a managed migration program that legally employs circular migrant farmworkers from Mexico and several English-speaking Caribbean countries in Canadian agriculture.
Grigorii L. Olekh
In the immediate post-Soviet communist period, investigators were eager to expose the privileged and wealthy life-style of Communist Party (CP) officials, lumping them all together both sociologically and chronologically. This created a false impression that all CP workers had always enjoyed material and other advantages ever since the Revolution. Using material from Siberian archives, the author suggests that, on the contrary, during the early 1920s, workers in the CP provincial, district and regional committees experienced severe material hardship, and often received no wages at all for long periods. The parlous condition of the Soviet economy as a whole at this time was reflected in the low, or non-existent, pay of Party functionaries, and in the inefficiency, confusions and tensions between the central authorities and regional officials struggling to carry out their Party work on a shoe-string, often living at barely subsistence levels. Various 'Party perks' - for example, in the form of free medical provision or low-cost housing - often existed on paper only. The small gains that were made, however, whetted an appetite for their enlargement and consolidation.