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Jolyon Howorth

Michael Sutton, France and the Construction of Europe 1944–2007 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2007).

Tilo Schabert, How World Politics is Made: France and the Reunification of Germany, trans. John Tyler Tuttle (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2009).

Frédéric Bozo, Mitterrand, the End of the Cold War and German Unification, trans. Susan Emanuel (Oxford: Berghahn, 2009).

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Whitney Walton

This essay examines representations of Jacqueline Kennedy's French connections in American and French popular media and in accounts of the Kennedy presidency to assert her significance in French-American relations and in United States foreign relations broadly construed to include, in Kristin Hoganson's words, “imaginative engagement with peoples“ of other nations and cultures. While biographers routinely acknowledge French influences in Mrs. Kennedy's life and in her practices as first lady, this study focuses on them in depth, notably the undergraduate junior year she spent studying in France in 1949-50 that consolidated her knowledge and appreciation of all things French, and cultivated her interest in other cultures generally. As first lady, she was uniquely positioned to perform these qualities on an international stage. This deployment of Frenchness enhanced her own and JFK's popularity at home and abroad, and suggested a more cosmopolitan way of being American at the height of the Cold War.

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What Do the French Think of Us?

The Deteriorating Image of the United States, 2000-2004

Richard Kuisel

What do the French think of Americans and the United States? This is a grand question whose answer reveals a crucial dimension of the current tension in Franco-American relations. It is also a question that can be answered reasonably well. Transatlantic troubles have stirred interest in ascertaining the state of public opinion. The result is an extraordinary number of comprehensive surveys conducted over the last five years. The US Department of State, for example, has systematically monitored French attitudes. So have many French and American polling agencies like SOFRES, CSA, and the Pew Center. Foundations like the French-American Foundation and the German Marshall Fund of the US have also sponsored research. Between fifteen and twenty thousand Frenchmen and women have recorded their opinion in such surveys. This evidence provides a unique opportunity for research into how the man- or woman-in-the-street views the United States.

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Anand Menon

Since 1966 and even before, the policies pursued by France toward NATO have been both the object of a certain amount of Gallic pride and the source of considerable confusion, not to say irritation, among France’s partners. Why have these policies been pursued? The aim of this article is to address this question by means of an examination of the domestic pressures and constraints that have helped to shape France’s policies toward NATO. It reveals a striking paradox: the decision-making arrangements that developed around and emerged out of de Gaulle’s single-minded quest to achieve international independence for France were specifically designed to provide him with the freedom to pursue policies of his own choosing.

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Julie Fette

In societies coming to terms with historical injustices, public apology has recently emerged as a potent trend. This is particularly true of France, where the state served as a catalyst for a wave of public apologies for acts of intolerance committed during the Second World War. Following Jacques Chirac's 1995 official apology for Vichy's anti-Semitic policies, various groups in civil society publicly atoned for their particular Vichy roles in discrimination against Jews: the medical profession, the law bar, the Catholic Church, and the police. How does public apology, as distinct from court trials, historical commissions, and reparations, affect contemporary France's reconciliation with its past? This article also analyzes how apologizing for Vichy has created demand for an official French apology for the Algerian War. By 2006, the politics of memory in French society decidedly shifted attention from Vichy to post-colonialism: in both cases, the apology turn imposes new dynamics of remembering and forgetting.

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Giuliana Chamedes and Elizabeth A. Foster

Scholarly attention to decolonization in the French Empire and beyond has largely focused on the political transitions from colonies to nation-states. This introduction, and the essays in this special issue, present new ways of looking at decolonization by examining how religious communities and institutions imagined and experienced the end of French Empire. This approach adds valuable perspectives obscured by historiographical emphasis on French republican secularism and on the workings of the colonial state. Bringing together histories of religion and decolonization sheds new light on the late colonial period and the early successor states of the French empire. It also points to the importance of international institutions and transnational religious communities in the transitions at the end of empire.

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Jacques Revel

Jusqu’à une époque très récente, l’expérience historique de la France et la mémoire dont elle était porteuse étaient pensées dans les termes d’une histoire ; et cette histoire ne s’énonçait pas, elle ne se pensait pas n’importe comment : elle pouvait être diverse et contradictoire, mais elle avait ses formes et elle obéissait à des règles.

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Pierre H. Boulle

Sue Peabody, “There Are No Slaves in France”: The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).

Laurent Dubois, Les Esclaves de la République. L’histoire oubliée de la première émancipation, 1789-1794, transl. by Jean-François Chaix (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 2000).

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Alain Boyer

Les musulmans se sont installés en France à cause et à la suite des deux guerres mondiales, essentiellement en provenance des pays sous domination française, à la fois comme recrues dans les armées françaises et comme force de travail. Ils ont ensuite participé à la reconstruction et au développement du pays, comme immigration de main d'oeuvre, durant les Trente Glorieuses. Ces flux migratoires se sont poursuivis, après la décolonisation et les indépendances, dans les années 1960. S'ils ont été freinés par l'arrêt de l'immigration en 1973, ils n'en ont pas pour autant totalement cessé, puisque l'on considère que sont entrés, depuis lors, en France, chaque année, environ 100 000 immigrés d'origines diverses. Bien plus, l'arrêt de l'immigration, en rendant très difficile la perspective d'un éventuel retour en France, et le regroupement familial ont concouru à l'installation durable en France de familles immigrées cherchant plus ou moins consciemment à s'intégrer dans la société française. Peu à peu se sont constituées des communautés musulmanes qui ont essayé de négocier, surtout pour obtenir des avantages individuels plus que collectifs, les modalités de leur intégration. Les populations immigrées ont souvent été reléguées dans les zones d'urbanisation récente, l'habitat social et les banlieues des grandes villes et ont été cantonnées, pour la première, et souvent pour la deuxième génération, dans des métiers peu qualifiés directement menacés par le chômage. Les immigrés et leurs enfants appelés à devenir français, dès lors qu'ils étaient nés en France, ont été victimes d'inégalités et d'exclusions par l'école, le travail et le logement.

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Mark Ingram

Cultural anthropology in France continues to bear the influence of a colonial-era distinction between “modern” societies with a high degree of social differentiation (and marked by rapid social change) and ostensibly socially homogeneous and change-resistant “traditional” ones. The history of key institutions (museums and research institutes) bears witness to this, as does recent scholarship centered on “the contemporary” that reworks earlier models and concepts and applies them to a world increasingly marked by transnational circulation and globalization. Anthropology at the Crossroads describes the evolution of a national tradition of scholarship, changes to its institutional status, and the models, concepts, and critical perspectives of anthropologists currently revisiting and reworking the foundations of the discipline in France.