In the last decade or so, several projects to exhibit 'migration' were staged in Austria's capital, Vienna. They were undertaken in various contexts: in museums, as part of art shows and in art festivals. These efforts are taken under scrutiny by the author, regarding their production, their way of enabling participation and articulation, and the new perspectives they opened. It is argued that through efforts of formerly excluded groups a change came about in how the figure of the 'migrant', and the various processes of migration, are perceived.
Examples from Vienna
The Copenhagen Riots, 1900–1919
The article approaches mobility through a cultural history of urban conflict. Using a case of “The Copenhagen Trouble,“ a series of riots in the Danish capital around 1900, a space of subversive mobilities is delineated. These turn-of-the-century riots points to a new pattern of mobile gathering, the swarm; to a new aspect of public action, the staging; and to new ways of configuring public space. These different components indicate an urban assemblage of subversion, and a new characterization of the “throwntogetherness“ of the modern public.
Matrimonial Strategies and Postnuptial Residence Patterns in Two Eastern Siberian Communities of the Twenty-First Century
Vincent Zvénigorosky, Dariya Nikolaeva, Georgii Romanov, Aisen Solovev, Nikolai Barashkov, Éric Crubézy, Sardana Fedorova, and Christine Keyser
This article describes current matrimonial strategies and residence patterns in two communities in the Sakha Republic. In Tolon, a rural settlement in central Sakha, community exogamy is predominant and patrilocality is detectable in postnuptial residence patterns. In the sub-Arctic town of Khonuu no gendered residence patterns are observed. Khonuu has an airport and serves as a regional capital. In Khonuu matrimonial decisions follow the immigration of men and couples rather than traditional strategies connected with horse- and cattle-based subsistence. This article discusses the possible biological, historical, and cultural reasons that explain the observance or lack of observance of traditional marriage in the contemporary Sakha Republic.
Czech heritage management at the former Liechtenstein estate of Lednice-Valtice
Veronica E. Aplenc
The Lednice-Valtice area, Southern Moravia, represents over 220 square kilometers of vast architectural and landscape heritage. As the former Liechtenstein ducal seat nationalized in 1945 and a major tourist attraction throughout the twentieth century, this site embodies the complex issues of heritage and authenticity. Post-war Czech preservationists incorporated pre-socialist legislative systems and beliefs into their socialist-era professional praxis, in a striking use of Habsburg-era, modernist cultural capital. Central to this borrowing was preservationists' casting themselves as state-legislated experts in heritage management, using an almost exclusively aesthetics-focused presentation in messy ideological situations.
Focusing on the wide-ranging scholarship on how railway technology, travel, and infrastructure has affected South Asia‚ this article highlights recent interventions and shifts. It discusses how questions about land‚ labor‚ capital‚ and markets are being increasingly integrated with questions about how railways affected society‚ culture‚ and politics. It also stresses the increasing interest in comparative work‚ both in terms of locating railways within wider structures of transport and mobility as well as analyzing how South Asia’s engagement relates to the global impact of this technology.
“When the purpose at hand begins from the perspective of a philosophy of praxis, that is to say from a motivation to enhance the leverage of radical democratic interventions in history, then the forming of the intellectual problem takes a particular shape.” — Gavin Smith, Intellectuals and (Counter-) Politics: Essays in Historical Realism
This statement frames Gavin Smith’s thoughtful, complex text Intellectuals and (Counter-) Politics: Essays in Historical Realism. Indeed, you could call the book a manual for the forming of a problem from this kind of perspective and with this motivation. To give a comprehensive discussion of how this might happen, Smith brings in a whole range of questions: What is an intellectual? How do intellectuals reach audiences? How are counter-politics situated within time and space, and how should they be studied? By including the domains of intellectuals, political actors, publics, and the constraining tendencies of structure—of “capital’s fierce demands”—in his analysis, while always recognizing the porous and fluctuating boundaries between these domains, Smith (2014: 11) frames the question of activist scholarship and the ongoing historicity of politics in a way that attempts to grasp their changing, tangled, and slippery nature. The result is an immensely rich book that provides a nudge along the path to a complex account of arrangements of capital and political mobilization that it reveals.
On 4 July 2002, the German Bundestag had to decide on the future
of one of the capital city’s principal historical sites: the square known
as the Schlossplatz, where the Hohenzollern Palace once stood but
that since 1976 had been the site of the German Democratic Republic’s
flagship Palace of the Republic. It was not the first time that
German politicians had been called upon to decide issues relating to
art and architecture. On previous occasions votes had been taken on
the wrapping of the Reichstag by Christo and Jeanne-Claude, Sir
Norman Foster’s dome, Hans Haacke’s artistic installation “Der
Bevölkerung” inside the Reichstag, and Peter Eisenman’s design for
Berlin’s Holocaust memorial.1 Their decision to rebuild the historical
palace, however, differed in that the politicians did not vote on
an architectural design, “in eigener Sache.”2 That is, it was not a
building or monument belonging to the governmental or political
sphere of the capital city but rather a site likely to house cultural
institutions. Parliamentarians, thus, were called upon to settle a
twelve-year-old planning and architectural controversy after all other
means, including architectural competitions, had failed.
The well-known writer and statesman Su Shi (or Su Dongpo, 1037–1101) spent a good portion of his career as a government official moving from one bureaucratic appointment to another. This was not unusual, for officials in traditional China were routinely shifted from post to post, usually every two or three years, to prevent them from gaining too much power or influence in one office or place. Several of Su Shi’s appointments, however, were in fact demotions. His outspoken criticism of the reform policies of Wang Anshi (1021–85) got Su (and many of his supporters) into some very serious political trouble. The result was their removal, by political opponents, from the national political scene in the capital to posts in the provinces. On a few occasions Su Shi and his followers were able to regain power in the capital and returned – temporarily, at least – to a position of influence. Su Shi’s career as a statesman, then, followed an alternating pattern of service and exile. In his more than forty years as a government officer, Su experienced three periods of political removal: the first from 1080 to 1084 in Huangzhou (in modern Hubei Province); the second from 1094 to 1096 in Huizhou (in modern Guangdong Province); and the last from 1097 to 1100 on Hainan Island in the far south.
Youngho Chang, Jiesheng Tan, and Letian Chen
Studies on sustainable development rely on diverse and seemingly conflicting concepts that yield contrasting results. The root of these conflicting concepts is the lack of agreement on the path toward achieving sustainable development (SD), namely, weak (or economic) versus strong (or ecological) sustainability. This article revisits the Solow-Hartwick model (Solow 1974, 1986; Hartwick 1977, 1978a, 1978b), which suggests that an economy can achieve intergenerational equity by mandating the Hartwick rule of investing the amount of rents from natural capital into renewable capital. It constructs a modified Solow-Hartwick model in which the assumptions of constant population and no technological progress are relaxed and from which it derives a more general form of the Hartwick rule. The modified Solow-Hartwick investment rule presents how weak sustainability can be attained and explains how the residual Hotelling rents (or proceeds from natural resources) could be utilized in order to achieve strong sustainability. In this article, we apply the modified Solow-Hartwick investment rule to a selection of developing and developed Asian economies to assess their sustainability. We then compare our results with two existing measures of sustainability, the genuine savings (GS) model and the Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI), both of which frequently present contradicting evaluations on the status of sustainability.
Austin Harrington, Hermeneutic Dialogue and Social Science: A Critique of Gadamer and Habermas (Routledge: New York, 2001)
Review by Farid Abdel-Nour
Steve Breyman, Why Movements Matter: The West German Peace Movement and U.S. Arms Control Policy (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2001)
Review by Alice H. Cooper
Deborah Cohen, The War Come Home: Disabled Veterans in Britain and Germany, 1914-1939 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001)
Review by Frank Biess
Thomas Poguntke, Parteiorganisation im Wandel: Gesellschaftliche Verankerung und Organisatorische Anpassung Im Europäischen Vergleich (Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag GmbH, 2000)
Review by Steven A. Weldon
Elizabeth A. Strom, Building the New Berlin: The Politics of Urban Development in Germany’s Capital City (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2001)
Review by Richard L. Merritt and Anna J. Merritt
Paul B. Jaskot, The Architecture of Oppression. The SS, Forced Labor and the Nazi Monumental Building Economy (London, New York: Routledge, 2000)
Review by William H. Rollins