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,” in the northeastern Parisian suburb of Gonesse, near Charles de Gaulle airport, their study is longitudinal: the authors follow different “generations” of residents, including the “pioneers,” who settled in the Poplars in the 1950s and 1960s; more

, believers in the colonial project as an emancipatory one. By 1961, two years after Charles de Gaulle announced that all peoples had a right to self-determination, this changed quickly. Jewish leaders could no longer defend the French colonial project with

“Self-Ensnared: Collaboration with Nazi Germany,” 2 and “In the Looking Glass: Sorrow and Pity?” 3 reprinted in a substantial collection of essays 4 that included notable pieces on Charles de Gaulle; contributions to important volumes such as La

up negative Jewish associations—the Dreyfus Affair, Vichy collaboration, Charles de Gaulle’s decision to side with the Arab League in 1967, and, more recently, a rise in acts of anti-Jewish violence coinciding with the second intifada in 2000—or no

in 1940. 29 Moreover, in the wake of the Armistice there was a period of uncertainty as to whether the colonies and protectorates would ally with Vichy or, in solidarity with Charles de Gaulle’s appeal of 18 June, continue to fight Germany. This

, France was always ambivalent towards European integration. The 1954 rejection of the European Defense Community by the French National Assembly and the 1965 Empty Chair Crisis led by Charles de Gaulle showed that national sovereignty remained a prime

elicited increasing criticism within the upper ranks of the French military. Its more rigidly anti-Communist elements fit poorly with the nuanced efforts of Charles de Gaulle to negotiate an end to the war, and they did not reflect the body of knowledge

only taught at the University of Paris-8-Vincennes, but had also played critical roles in founding that unique institution. The “experimental university,” as it was known, was the brainchild of Charles de Gaulle’s education minister, Edgar Faure, who

’ mobilizations of 1968 dislodged Charles de Gaulle from power, electoral movements came to count most, leading to the takeover of the SFIO (Section française de l'Internationale ouvrière) by François Mitterrand after 1969 and the creation of the Parti socialiste