This paper draws on the work of E. P. Thompson to understand anticapitalist resistance in northern California in the 1960s and 1970s. Through an analysis of the back-to-the-land movement in a region I call “Claytown,” I show how the making of a rural moral economy was in part enabled by the presence of a nascent marijuana industry. However, whereas a relatively small-scale marijuana industry helped forge anticapitalist resistance in the 1960s and 1970s, this industry has become a form through which values of capitalist political economy are being instantiated and reasserted. I situate my ethnographic analysis within a broader historical and legal framework to show how a contemporary moral economy is made and increasingly unmade in the context of late capitalism.
The making and unmaking of a rural moral economy
Though a substantial and groundbreaking book, the comprehensiveness of E. P. Thompson's narrative in The Making of the Working Class highlighted its many absences. This article considers the potential for examining the black presence within a Thompsonian framework of class in eighteenth-century England. It focuses on the politics of multiethnic solidarity, considering why black history remains so marginalized when key organizations and political moments, such as the Cato Street Conspiracy and the London Corresponding Society, both present in The Making, were multiethnic in their political ambition and their membership. Through the discussion of a Victorian multiethnic community of antiracist activists, this article also examines how research focusing on the intersecting geographies of race and class can contribute to the foundations of scholarship of English history provided by The Making.
Comment on Newberry and Rosen
Althusserian structuralism), and sympathizing with the radical social historians when they chose, instead, to read and absorb E. P. Thompson's work—in particular, his polemical The Poverty of Theory ( 1996 ). In line with Thompson's reaction against having
Decolonizing the Curriculum
intellectual frameworks of Antonio Gramsci, E. P. Thompson and latterly Michel Foucault heavily informed the work of the Subaltern Studies scholars ( Sanchez and Strümpell 2014 ). However, as Zeus Leonardo observes in his appraisal of Said (this volume), during
contextual importance of these traditions for the filial sonnets and the entire interrelated sequence is paratextually signalled by Harrison taking an epigraph for School from E.P. Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class , which provides the
After the commons—commoning!
examples. Such practices and events served to sustain what E. P. Thompson (1993) called “customs in common.” Such customs in common would then feed into some of the popular and practical bases of an imagined community of rights that would subsequently
Production and exchange, business and friendship
was political-economic, much of it directly Marxist in inspiration. In reaction, James Scott (1977) , borrowing (from E. P. Thompson) the concept of “moral economy,” sought to provide a counterbalancing cultural dimension. While Thompson’s application
Elif Mahir Metinsoy
social history of ordinary people in E. P. Thompson’s studies, specifically The Making of the English Working Class and Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture , shows how to identify the agency of ordinary women. 45 Furthermore, the
Boat Time and the Temporal Experience of London’s Liveaboard Boaters
deterministic, precise and inflexible clock time that has been described since E.P. Thompson’s (1969) classic text as being the prime shaping force of the modern capitalist world. Ingold (2000: 290) , through his comparative use of ethnographic studies of
Time, Public Credit, and David Hume's Political Discourses
Edward Jones Corredera
Jonathan Sheehan and Dror Wahrman, Invisible Hands: Self-Organisation and the Eighteenth Century (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2015), 125–127; E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism,” Past & Present 38 (1967): 56