In 1928 a group of young Parisian working women, guided by Father Georges Guérin, established a Catholic youth group called the Jeunesse ouvrière chrétienne féminine. This study examines the ideas of the founding generation of the so-called Jocists on women and the home; the ways in which these conceptions were rooted in religious assumptions about women and domestic space; the evolution of these positions through the Ligue ouvrière chrétienne féminine and the Mouvement populaire des familles (adult organizations that evolved from the youth group); and the effect of these ideas on the shape of domestic space in France. From this investigation emerges a portrait of conflicted individuals and organizations advocating ideas that were sometimes conservative, sometimes liberal, often contradictory, but all rooted in Catholic social doctrine. This story enriches our understanding of the Catholic Left, of which these associations became an integral part, and the impact that these groups had on France.
The Founding Generation of the Jeunesse ouvrière chrétienne féminine
W. Brian Newsome
Beginning in the 1980s, several historians began to challenge the view that fascism was a marginal phenomenon in interwar France, a view dubbed "the immunity thesis" by one of its critics. Surveying a range of works on far-Right intellectuals and movements during the 1920s and 1930s, this article suggests that "the immunity thesis" has been increasingly challenged by a variety of historians since the mid-1990s. However, a consensus on the issue has not emerged, as a number of historians stress the need to differentiate between fascism and other forms of right-wing nationalism in the French context. At the same time, there are signs that scholars are beginning to move beyond questions of categorization and address other themes relating to the inter-war Right. These new agendas have the potential to broaden our understanding of the late Third Republic in general.
Colonialism and the Possibilities of a Franco-German Rapprochement before 1914
This article argues against the importance of colonial tensions for the worsening of Franco-German relations between the two Moroccan Crises in 1905 and 1911. Traditionally, historians have interpreted the clashes of French and German interests over Morocco in the first two decades of the twentieth century as putting France and Germany on the path to armed conflict in 1914. This article shows, however, that the First Moroccan Crisis engendered intense efforts by both German and French pro-colonialists to come to a peaceful understanding with each other. The article thus demonstrates that in the early years of the twentieth century, French and German colonialists indeed thought in transnational terms; that is, their understanding of their own and their counterpart's interests was based on the recognition of mutually shared values and racial features that transcended both countries' European borders.
Richard S. Fogarty
During the First World War, more than 500,000 colonial subjects served in the French Army. As these men, known as troupes indigenes, helped defend France from invasion, many of them had sexual and romantic relationships with French women. Such intimate contacts across the color line transgressed strict boundaries that separated the non-white colonized from white colonizers, boundaries that helped construct and sustain colonial rule. Thus these interracial relationships produced acute anxieties in the minds of French officials, who worried that their failure to control the passions and desires of colonial men and metropolitan women would ultimately undermine the French empire.
Romanization and the French Colonial Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Tunisia
On 8 February 1892, the resident general of France in Tunisia promulgated a decree regulating the sale of roughly two hundred thousand hectares of land surrounding the city of Sfax at the fire-sale price of ten francs a hectare. 1 Part of an
Repercussions on French Foreign and Domestic Policy
statements issued by the United Kingdom, Germany, and France were less cautious. They were released on 9 and 10 July following phone calls with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. German Chancellor Angela Merkel referred only to the rocket attacks on
Le cas de deux entreprises d’État en Haute-Garonne (1960–1975)
Clair Juilliet and Michael Llopart
Les événements socio-politiques de la fin des années 1960 représentent un moment de contestation de l’ordre établi et de bouillonnement social bien connu des historiens. En France, avec 6 à 10 millions de grévistes suivant les estimations, l
The Impact of French Internment on the Pacifist Convictions and Literary Imagination of Lion Feuchtwanger
Nicole Dombrowski Risser
1940s interested in his time in occupied France and how the experience shaped the ideologies he embraced (and rejected). 2 Feuchtwanger first made a name for himself as a passionate believer in pacifism. In this pursuit he was not alone. A generation of
This article analyzes how the fundamental challenge of decolonization has resonated in history textbooks published in France since the 1960s. It therefore contextualizes textbook knowledge within different areas of society and focuses on predominant discourses that influenced history textbooks' (post)colonial representations in the period examined. These discourses encompass the crisis of Western civilization, modernization, republican integration, and the postcolonial politics of memory. The author argues that history textbooks have thus become media, as well as objects of an emerging postcolonial politics of memory that involves intense conflicts over immigration and national identity and challenges France's (post)colonial legacy in general.
A Comedic Film between History and Memory
of Jewish deportation and repressed memories of (de)colonization as well as their legacies for a multiracial and multicultural France. Oury set Rabbi Jacob in a present full of intentional allusions to the recent past. As the top box-office draw of