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Yael Braudo

Starting in the early 1950s, Israeli women's organizations persistently promoted legislation that aimed to ensure wives' just share in marital property, until in 1973 the Knesset enacted the Spouses (Property Relations) Law. This remarkable struggle was then forgotten. The long history of this law as told here, along with parallel Israeli legislative and judicial developments related to property relations between spouses, reveals the political activities of women's organizations during the decades in which it is generally believed that they neglected their political-feminist agenda. It also discloses the substantial gap between the organizations' vision of a community property regime throughout marriage and the regime of property separation enacted into law. This case study sheds light on how social organizations attempt to promote legal reforms and on the consequences of their compromises.

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Osnat Akirav

In 2014, Israel changed its electoral rules, requiring political parties to obtain at least 3.25 percent of the popular vote to gain a seat in the Knesset. We investigated the role that this change played in the creation of joint lists of several parties in the four ensuing elections, and found that the platforms and statements of joint lists were less ideological than those of their constituent parties. Our argument is that the trend of inter-party alliances characterized by unifying rhetoric is a political innovation in the Israeli context. We suggest that, as a result of such joint parties, Israeli politics—once known to be extremely ideological—has become dominated by non-ideological pragmatism.

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Ben Herzog

/Palestine ( Gavison 2010 ) and for the symbolic ties between Israel and the Jewish Diaspora ( Hacohen 1998 ). As articulated by David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, during Knesset debates: “The Law of Return is one of the State of Israel’s basic laws. It

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The Determination of Educational Policy

Shas, Politics, and Religion

Anat Feldman

sources are the coalition agreements Shas has made with Israel’s biggest political parties from its first entry into the Knesset in 1984 up to the current government, which was formed in 2015. The empirical analysis is based on quantitative and qualitative

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Amir Goldstein

dissipated. Mapam’s presence declined in the 2nd Knesset elections in 1951 and, before long, it split into two different parties: Mapam and Ahdut HaAvodah (Unity of Labor). These two socialist factions gradually became almost perpetual partners in the Mapai

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Editors’ Note

Threats to Academic Freedom

‘heresthetic maneuvering’ utilized by Knesset committee chairs in order to control the policy choices of their committees. For non-political scientists, Rosenthal obligingly provides a definition of heresthetics as “structuring a worldview that would make

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The 1956 Strike of Middle-Class Professionals

A Socio-political Alliance with the Right

Avi Bareli and Uri Cohen

-wing opposition parties. 5 In response, the government appointed a committee to investigate wages and ranking in the public sector, headed by Yisrael Guri, chair of the Knesset Finance Committee, former head of the workers’ educational division, and one of Mapai

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The Making of a Capital

Jerusalem on Israeli Banknotes

Na'ama Sheffi and Anat First

Declaration of Independence in May 1948. By the end of the War of Independence in early 1949, the Israeli government and Knesset discussed the special status of the capital. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion explained: “We feel obliged to declare that Jerusalem

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The Editors

forward to late 1948 and early 1949, we come to a study of Israel’s first election campaign for the post-independence Constituent Assembly, which soon became the Knesset. Meir Chazan examines the choices made by the country’s first leaders regarding how

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Assaf Shapira

. For example, according to the minutes of the Knesset committees, from February 2003 until June 2006 the issue of the status of labor immigrants’ children was discussed in eight meetings of various Knesset committees; representatives of ACRI