Agricultural growth corridors (AGCs) have begun proliferating across the actual and policy landscapes of southeastern Africa. Cast as an emerging megaproject strategy, AGCs combine the construction of large-scale logistics (i.e., roads, railways, ports) with attracting investment in commercial agribusiness and smallholder farming. While scholars have long attended to spatial development schemes in the Global South, literature on the rising AGCs of Africa’s eastern seaboard has only recently shifted from anticipatory to empirical studies as policy implementation reaches full force. The article reflects on a new crop of studies that confront the problem of tracing policy imaginaries to the people, places, practices, and ecologies shaped by AGC schemes. In contrast to scholarship that accepts corridors as given entities, we explore directions for research that interrogate the grounded yet provisional becoming of these megaprojects. At such sites, the return of high modernist development logics encapsulated by the corridor concept may be questioned.
African Megaprojects at a Situated Scale
Serena Stein and Marc Kalina
The rationale for this special section of Conflict and Society lies in anthropology’s relatively recent and steadily growing application to the study of political violence in its various manifestations, from everyday instances of subtle structural violence to more overt cases of war and mass atrocities. In the late 1990s, Carolyn Nordstrom’s (1997) work among soldiers and ordinary civilians whose lives had been intimately affected by Mozambique’s civil war and Antonius Robben’s (1996) work among survivors and perpetrators of Argentina’s Dirty War enabled an important shift among ethnographers. Whereas in the past ethnographers typically focused on violence and warfare in substate and prestate societies, Nordstrom and Robben emphasized the foundations of political violence in complex state societies. Their work led to the emergence of a small cohort of ethnographers—among them Philippe Bourgois (2003), Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1997, 2002), and Neil Whitehead (2002, 2004)—specialized in what was soon termed “the ethnography of political violence”
Marja Spierenburg, Conrad Steenkamp, and Harry Wels
The Great Limpopo is one of the largest Transfrontier Conservation Areas (TFCAs) in the world, encompassing vast areas in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique. The TFCA concept is embraced by practically all (international) conservation agencies. The rationale for the support is that the boundaries of ecosystems generally do not overlap with those of the nation-state. Their protection requires transnational cooperation. By arguing that local communities living in or close to TFCAs will participate and benefit economically, TFCA proponents claim social legitimacy for the project. However, analysis shows that communities first have to live up to rigid standards and requirements set by the international conservation authorities, before they are considered ‘fit’ to participate. Communities attempt to resist this type of marginalization by forming alliances with (inter)national development and human rights NGOs, with mixed results.
Excess and Domestication
This article explores the enmeshment of sovereignty, riots, and social contestation. Riots have continually marked out the thresholds allowed for exceptions to be declared. As such, they have been the sovereign entity par excellence that produces the moments of politics that need to be domesticated. Interestingly, expressions of sovereignty have always presented themselves in contexts of riots and social contestation. These issues will be explored ethnographically in relation to riots in Mozambique. The relationship between excess and domestication is explored through an analysis of two indices of sovereignty: riots and their close associates “mobs” as excess; and processes of domestication. The first index grapples with t he excesses of riots and mobs, and encompasses, I suggest, all the elements of sovereignty: exception, in- and exclusion, and excess. The second index explores the enmeshment of sovereignty and social contestation from the perspective of domestication, particularly the diff erent forms for control and violence that come into play when the quest for making life and creating order is at stake.
Cuban Posters for African Liberation 1967–1989
focus on the fight against foreign domination, resistance to colonialism, and apartheid. An example is “Day of World Solidarity with Mozambique,” 1967, by Olivio Martinez Viera ( Figure 4 ), which gets the message across through a stark composition in
The Benelux and the Nordic countries compared
the strong Nordic emphasis in Eastern Africa (Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, Somalia, South Sudan, Tanzania and Zambia). Other Nordic favorites include Nepal and Myanmar in Asia as well as Mali in Western Africa—all poor and hardly any political allies
Michael R. M. Ward
on extensive fieldwork, in our final regular article Andrea Moreiras explores how a group of young men construct their sense of belonging to a public space, namely, a market in the capital city of Mozambique, Maputo. The article shows how these young
Sintayehu Kassaye Alemu
research funding that was found to have a major impact on the nature and sustainability of research capacity and productivity at Makerere University. Chapter 7, in continuity with Chapter 6, emphasises incentives for academic performance in Mozambique and
A Theoretical Introduction
. Nielsen , M. 2011 . Futures Within: Reversible Time and House-Building in Maputo, Mozambique . Anthropological Theory 11 ( 4 ): 397 – 423 . Nielsen , M. 2014 . A Wedge of Time: Futures in the Present and Presents without Futures in Maputo
Infrastructure and Ignorance in Peri-urban Ulaanbaatar
Morten Axel Pedersen
: Collapsed Futures in Mozambique and Mongolia’, in M. Harris and N. Rapport (eds), Reflections on Imagination: Human Capacity and Ethnographic Method (Surrey: Ashgate), 237–262. Earlier versions were presented at the UCSC/UCDavis graduate conference in