schemata, this article looks at attack frames in an online men’s rights forum. By attack frames, I refer to countermovement frames specifically intended to denigrate and ridicule the target movement, in this case, feminism. In this study, I investigate how
Framing Processes, Collective Identity, and Emotion in the Men’s Rights Subreddit
Notes on the Greek Case
If we want to situate the Greek case in a wider discussion as to whether the notion of a ‘Communist Feminism’ constitutes a contradiction in terms, it would be productive, in my view, to shift the question to focus on those aspects which might help us clarify the features specific to Greek history. As is widely known, communism in Greece has not been part of the political establishment and has been subject to harsh and systematic persecutions throughout the twentieth century. Consequently, the question is whether we can characterise the Greek version of communist theory and praxis, as it was expressed by the main source of communist ideas in Greece, the Greek Communist Party (KKE), as ‘feminist’ in any way. To answer this question, however, we should first define exactly what we mean by the term feminist, or whether feminism also includes a communist constituent.
and their influence over men and in French history. Underlying much of her journalistic and historical analyses were modern scientific notions of heredity and degeneracy that occasionally buttressed her arguments about feminisms and women's conditions
History Writing and Feminist Politics in Romania
Stefania Mihailescu, Din istoria feminismului românesc. Antologie de texte (1838–1929) (From the history of Romanian feminism. Collection of documents [1838–1929]), Iasi: Polirom, 2002, 376 pp., 18.90 RON (pb). ISBN 973-681-012-7
Stefania Mihailescu, Emanciparea femeii române. Antologie de texte. Vol. I (1815–1928) (Romanian women’s emancipation. Collection of documents. Vol. I [1815–1928]), Bucuresti: Editura Ecumenica, 2001, 605 pp., (pb). ISBN 973-99782-1-5
Maria Bucur, Mihaela Miroiu eds., Patriarhat si emancipare în istoria gîndirii politice românesti (Patriarchy and emancipation in the history of Romanian political thought), Iasi: Polirom, 2002, 270 pp., (pb). ISBN 973-681-130-1
Mihaela Miroiu, Drumul catre autonomie. Teorii politice feministe (The road to autonomy. Feminist political theories), Iasi: Polirom, 2004, 307 pp. 17.90 RON (pb). ISBN 973-681-646-X
Ghizela Cosma, Femeile si politica în România. Evolutia dreptului de vot în perioada interbelica (Women and politics in Romania. The evolution of the right to vote in the interwar period), Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitara Clujeana, 2002, 174 pp. (pb). ISBN 973-610-069-3
Ghizela Cosma, Virgiliu ̨ârau eds., Conditia femeii în România în secolul XX. Studii de caz (Woman’s condition in Romania in the twentieth century. Case studies), Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitara ̈ Clujeana, 2002, 213 pp. (pb). ISBN 973-610-127-4
Alin Ciupala, Femeia în societatea româneasca a secolului al XIX-lea (Woman in Romanian Society of the nineteenth century), Bucuresti: Editura Meridiane, 2003, 174 pp. (pb). ISBN 973-33-0481-6
Simona Stiger, ‘Miscarea feminista româneasca din Transilvania (1850–1914)’ (The Romanian feminist movement in Transylvania [1850–1914]), in Prezenòe feminine. Studii despre femei în România (Feminine presences. Studies about women in Romania), eds., Ghizela Cosma, Eniko... Magyari-Vincze and Oviciu Pecican, Cluj-Napoca: Editura Fundaòiei Desire, 2002, 237–266, 488 pp. (pb.). ISBN 973-85512-4-2
From Biography to History
with the provocative entry of my colleague and friend Mihaela Miroiu, a Romanian feminist philosopher, who insisted that state socialist measures toward women were not “state feminism” but state patriarchy. As I see it, such opinions rely on existing
From many perspectives, the Chinese Communist Party’s approach to gender equality and feminism offers a shining example of communism’s ideological limitations, and its historical failure to serve women’s interests. From its earliest days, Chinese communism upheld a platform of ‘sexual equality’ (nannü pingdeng), and implemented numerous policies to protect women’s equal rights. Yet its attacks on the epistemological foundations of Western feminism and its denunciation of the latter as little more than ‘bourgeois individualism’ give clear evidence of Miheala Miroiu’s ‘contradictio in terminis’.
The Formation of Women's Groups in Hungary
This essay presents a historical analysis of Hungarian women's movements from the late eighteenth century until recent years. As women's organising in Hungary responded to both internal and international economic and political forces, it also revealed four sets of connections across the diverse historical landscape. First, these groups have framed their political aims to achieve greater legitimacy by selectively emphasising their international connections. The second parallel is the particularly harsh treatment women's groups have received when the dominant ideology changed. Third, in response to this treatment and for sheer self-preservation, women activists re-framed contemporary events and re-interpreted history in general and women's history in particular to strengthen their sense of identity and self-justification. The fourth common feature is the often difficult relationship between women's groups and the state. These four features potentially counterbalanced the many disagreements among women's groups over what they perceive to be women's appropriate roles and the definition of feminism, and persistently led to women's mobilisation and actions. Controversies around feminism ignite and fundamentally influence how and why women's groups become implicated in politics. Looking at the case of Eastern Europe, and especially focusing on Hungary, this essay argues that feminism has helped to establish much common ground among activists.
Carole Pateman in Conversation with Graham Smith
Carole Pateman and Graham Smith
Carole Pateman reflects on her fifty years of scholarship in conversation with Graham Smith. The discussion focuses particular attention on Pateman’s work on participatory democracy and considers her contributions to debates on political obligation, feminism, basic income, and deliberative democracy.
I shall appeal to a concept I consider regulative for political, moral, and cultural feminism: women’s autonomy. When autonomy is undermined by patriarchy, there is no gender-fair competition, nor a real gender partnership. It means that feminism can only attain its goals when women have the capacity to rule over their own welfare, freed from oppressive patriarchal, androcratic, and andromorphic cultural, moral, and political constraints.
Soon after the collapse of communism, women's rights and gender equality became hotly debated issues in Poland, particularly as they were linked to different interpretations of what the transition to democracy ought to mean. In the context of conservative arguments linking Poland's “return to normalcy” with a return to traditional gender roles and relating feminism to the “foreign” socialist order, women's NGOs and networks in Warsaw started to creatively re-frame their arguments within the terms of Polish tradition. At the same time EUropeanization of gender discourses provided another contested register in which women's rights activists had to negotiate their claims. This article explores how concepts of gender and feminism in Poland have become objects, as much as effects, of powerful political debates, describing a discursive field where national self-understandings and values are negotiated in the context of transition and EU accession. It provides an ethnographic account of the central role played by notions of gender and feminism in imaging democratic citizenship and in producing new subject positions in postsocialist Poland.