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Andrew Fiala

What has come to be known as ‘the Bush Doctrine’ is an idealistic approach to international relations that imagines a world transformed by the promise of democracy and that sees military force as an appropriate means to utilize in pursuit of this goal. The Bush Doctrine has been described in various ways. It has been called ‘democratic realism,’ ‘national security liberalism,’ ‘democratic globalism,’ and ‘messianic universalism’.1 Another common claim is that this view is ‘neoconservative’.2 In what follows I will employ the term ‘neoconservative’ as a convenient and commonly accepted name for the ideas that underlie the Bush Doctrine. The Bush Doctrine has been expressed in numerous speeches by President Bush and members of his administration.3 It is stated in the policy of the National Security Strategy of the United States.4 And it was employed in the invasion of Iraq. The hopeful aspiration of the Bush Doctrine is that democratization will result in peace.

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Elizabeth Hoyt and Gašper Jakovac

war in Shakespeare’s plays. After determining that these approaches represent opposing ends of a spectrum, she introduces a third option: just war theory. According to Quabeck, ‘this approach opposes realism in the assumption that wars are not liable

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Ronald Stade

interest,” “just war,” “hegemonic stability”—not to mention the most insidious concept of them all: “realism”—cover up the cruelty they engender and result in. Peace and conflict studies emerged as a separate academic field in reaction to the language of

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Invoking a World of Ideas

Theory and Interpretation in the Justification of Colonialism

David Boucher

, affirmed and developed the position of Innocent IV. In practical terms both sides of the argument ultimately justify colonisation on just war grounds ( Muldoon 1979: 108, 141 ). Towards the end of the fifteenth century emerged an added dimension, which was

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Cary J. Nederman

later in the same section of the Breviloquim , Ockham returns to this point and couples it to another possible justification for the existence of empire: just war. In his view, either or both readily explain the establishment of Rome's empire: “Perhaps

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Patrick Young, David Looseley, Elayne Oliphant, and Kolja Lindner

—the Prussian siege exposed the absence of consensual moral or legal standards applying to war violence inflicted directly upon civilians and population centers. Neither the postulates of Just War theory, nor the recently enacted Geneva Convention (1864

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Performing humanitarian militarism

Public security and the military in Brazil

Stephanie Savell

role in legitimizing both sets of images, sustaining claims that the military is a powerful force in a just war against state enemies, and portraying favela residents as needing to be rescued by physical coercion. What is left in the shadows is that

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John of Lancaster’s Negotiation with the Rebels in 2 Henry IV

Fifteenth-Century Northern England as Sixteenth-Century Ireland

Jane Yeang Chui Wong

Grey’s account, he was not obligated to keep faith with rebels; their war was not a just war, because they were not fighting under the banner of a king. 70 The queen’s praise of Grey’s actions reveals that his explanation was acceptable. 71 Royal

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Olesya Khromeychuk

Despite Themselves , 141–142. 50 Laura Sjoberg, Gender, Justice, and the Wars in Iraq: A Feminist Reformulation of Just War Theory (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006), 34. Emphasis in original. 51 Bohachevsky-Chomiak, Feminists Despite Themselves , 141