All eyes are turned towards genomic data and models as the source of knowledge about whether human races exist or not. Will genomic science make the final decision about whether racial realism (e.g. racial population naturalism) or anti-realism (e.g. racial scepticism) is correct? We think not. The results of even our best and most impressive genomic technologies under-determine whether biogenomic races exist, or not. First, different sub-disciplines of biology interested in population structure employ distinct concepts, aims, measures and models, producing cross-cutting categorisations of population subdivisions rather than a single, universal biogenomic concept of 'race.' Second, within each sub-discipline (e.g. phylogenetics, conservation biology), genomic results are consistent with, and map multiply to, racial realism and anti-realism. Indeed, racial ontologies are constructed conventionally, rather than discovered. We thus defend a constructivist conventionalism about biogenomic racial ontology. Choices and conventions must always be made in identifying particular kinds of groups. Political agendas, social programmes, and moral questions premised on the existence of naturalistic race should accept that no scientifically grounded racial ontology is forthcoming, and adjust presumptions, practices and projects accordingly.
Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther and Jonathan Michael Kaplan
Reflections on Violence in the 'War on Terror'
Saul Newman and Michael P. Levine
The authors argue that the 'war on terror' marks the ultimate convergence of war with politics, and the virtual collapse of any meaningful distinction between them. Not only does it signify the breakdown of international relations norms but also the militarization of internal life and political discourse. They explore the 'genealogy' of this situation firstly through the notion of the 'state of exception'—in which sovereign violence becomes indistinct from the law that is supposed to curtail it—and secondly through Foucault's idea that politics is essentially a form of warfare. They suggest that these two ways of approaching the question of violence can only be understood through a racist dimension, which forms the hidden underside of the 'war on terrorism'. In other words, our contemporary situation is characterized by the mobilization not only of fundamentalist and conservative ideologies, but, increasingly, racial antagonisms and prejudices directed towards the Muslim other.
On the Political and Ideological Implications of Capitalism's Subordination of Democracy
race and attributing these low birth rates to the growing participation of women in the paid labor force, replacement theory has not just inspired far right violence and terrorist attacks from Charlottesville in the U. S. to New Zealand ( Bowles 2019
Democratic Theory in a Time of Defiance
Jean-Paul Gagnon and Emily Beausoleil
race, color, wealth or degree of culture,” as these actions betrayed “the democratic way of life” ( 1998: 342) as Dewey understood it. But what he found even more dangerous than open, state-sanctioned coercion against specific groups of people was
Marie Paxton and Uğur Aytaç
designing procedures), it is my contention that Bateman does not fully acknowledge the way in which political participation is affected by age, gender, race, class, education, and time. Indeed, certain of Bateman's proposals, such as to use activist leaders
Samuel Moyn and Jean-Paul Gagnon
, Charles . 2019 . Gods of the Upper Air: How A Circle of Renegade Anthropologists Reinvented Race, Sex and Gender in the Twentieth Century . New York : Doubleday . Kliger , Gili . 2019 . “ The Critical Bite of Cultural Relativism ”. Boston Review
-013-0001-z Hassanzadeh , Navid . 2018 . “ Race, Internationalism, and Comparative Political Theory .” Polity 50 ( 4 ): 519 – 546 . https://doi.org/10.1086/699754 . 10.1086/699754 Hlaing , Pho . ( 1878 ) 2004. Rajadhammasangaha . Trans. by L
Paul Apostolidis, William E. Connolly, Jodi Dean, Jade Schiff, and Romand Coles
Mexico who bear the legacies of tenacious, historically rooted ideologies and technologies of race, class, and empire. Characteristically—in ways that make Donald Trump’s wall-building fantasies resonate improbably with the Border Patrol’s 1950s efforts
Hayek, Pluralism, Democracy
marginalized and excluded communities despite neoliberalism's official commitment to equality. Together they have tended to justify and further entrench exclusions and forms of control and domination based upon race, ethnicity, gender identity, ability, and
proportion, predominant in the representation” ( Burke  1969: 140 ). The introduction of universal suffrage abolished what one could call external obstacles to political equality (income, property, sex, race, religion, etc.). The current criticism of