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The Marketization of HIV/AIDS Governance

Public–Private Partnerships and Bureaucratic Culture in Pakistan

Ayaz Qureshi

The World Bank-financed 'Enhanced HIV and AIDS Control Program' tried to reorganize HIV/AIDS governance in Pakistan by pushing a neoliberal agenda, marketizing the provision of publicly funded HIV prevention services. NGOs and the private sector competed for contracts with the government to provide services to sex workers, drug users, transgendered people and homosexuals who were deemed 'high risk' groups for HIV. With this contractualization emerged a new bureaucratic field that emphasized 'flexible organization' and 'efficiency' in getting things done in place of the traditional bureaucratic proceduralism characteristic of the Pakistani civil service. This new corporate-style bureaucratic culture and the ambiguities of a hastily contracted (and 'efficiently' rolled out) Enhanced Program meant public funds ending up in the pockets of a few powerful actors. Instead of generating more efficiency, the marketization of services dispossessed the intended beneficiaries of the World Bank loan.

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Des Gasper

“Good governance” may be viewed as governance that effectively promotes human rights, human security and human development. This article discusses human security analysis, which in certain ways offers an integration of these “human” perspectives together with a “social” orientation, by combining a person-focus with systematic investigation of the environing systems of all sorts: physical, cultural, organizational. The importance of such analysis is illustrated through the example of climate change impacts and adaptation. The article presents applications of a human security framework in governance, for policy analysis, planning and evaluation issues in climate change and other fields. The concluding section suggests that human security analysis may provide a way to apply insights from social quality analysis to detailed case investigation and policy analysis, while reducing macro-sociological abstraction and neglect of the natural environment.

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Reproductive Governance in the New Europe

Competing Visions of Morality, Sovereignty and Supranational Policy

Joanna Mishtal

While the European Union currently lacks a mandate to govern reproductive health services and policies, reproductive governance is increasingly debated both at the EU and the nation-state levels. The EU has taken formal positions to promote access to comprehensive reproductive health services. In tension with the EU's position is the Vatican, which promotes the use of conscientious objection to decline the provision of certain health services. Currently, the use of conscientious objection is mostly unregulated, prompting debates about supranational regulation at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) meeting in Paris in 2010. This article uses the lens of the PACE meeting debate to consider the cultural, historical and political specificities and agendas that give shape to competing arguments about rights, health and state sovereignty. I argue that political rationalities directed towards reproduction locally and the supranational rights debates work synergistically to paralyse European reproductive health policymaking.

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Stephen P. Mumme, Oscar Ibáñez, and Suzanne M. Till

English abstract: This article examines the state of binational multi-level water governance along the U.S.-Mexico border. Drawing on the well known multi-level governance (MLG) typology advanced by Hooghe and Marks (2003), the article pro files the Type I and Type II binational water institutions and programs now in place along the U.S.-Mexico border and examines their role in solving recent binational water disputes. The article shows that Type II MLG institutions make a modest contribution to the resolution of recent water conflicts on the Rio Grande and Colorado Rivers, enriching capacity for achieving cooperative and sustainable solutions in U.S.-Mexico border water management. Supporting and strengthening the new Type II MLG water management institutions is likely to facilitate greater binational cooperation in managing internationally shared water resources along the U.S.-Mexico border.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo examina el estado de la gobernanza multi-nivel (GMN) binacional del agua a lo largo de la frontera México-Estados Unidos. Utilizando la tipología ampliamente conocida de Hooghe y Marks (2003), el texto per fila las instituciones binacionales del agua y sus programas Tipo I y Tipo II que se encuentran a lo largo de esta frontera, y examina el rol que juegan en la solución de recientes disputas binacionales por el agua. El artículo muestra como las instituciones Tipo II de GMN realizan una modesta contribución a la solución de recientes conflictos del agua en los ríos Grande y Colorado, enriqueciendo la capacidad para lograr soluciones sustentables en base a la cooperación para el manejo del agua. El apoyo y fortalecimiento de nuevas instituciones de manejo de agua Tipo II de GMN probablemente facilitará una mejor cooperación binacional en la administración de recursos hídricos compartidos a lo largo de la frontera México-Estados Unidos.

French abstract: Cet article fait état de la gouvernance multi-niveaux (GMN) et binationale de l'eau le long de la frontière entre les États-Unis et le Mexique. Ce e recherche s'aligne sur la typologie bien connue de la gouvernance multi-niveaux proposée par Hooghe et Marks (2003). Elle décrit les types I et II des institutions binationales de l'eau, ainsi que les programmes actuellement réalisés le long de la frontière américano-mexicaine, tout en examinant leur rôle dans la résolution des conflits binationaux récents portant sur l'eau. L'article montre que les institutions multiniveaux de type II apportent une modeste contribution à la résolution des conflits récents au sujet des fleuves Rio Grande et Colorado, avec pour conséquence que la gestion des eaux transfrontalières entre les États-Unis et le Mexique voit un renforcement de ses compétences pour apporter des solutions coopératives et durables. Encourager et renforcer les institutions de gestion de l'eau de nouveau type II de la gouvernance multiniveaux est à même de faciliter une plus grande coopération binationale en termes de gestion des ressources aquatiques internationales, le long de la frontière entre les États-Unis et le Mexique.

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Contesting the Social Contract

Tax Reform and Economic Governance in Istria, Croatia

Robin Smith

of their relationship with the state and informs their understanding of its economic governance values. On this basis, people evaluate their economic values against the governance authority shaping their economic lives to determine the justness of the

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Deliberative Safeguards and Global Governance

A Market-based Approach to Address Garrett W. Brown's 'Deliberative Deficit' within the Global Fund

Alejandro Agafonow

Garrett W. Brown has argued that donor voting caucuses produce a deliberative deficit between donor and non-donor members in the Global Fund International Board. Although we agree with this assessment, in our research on low-transaction cost alternatives to cope with consistent deliberative conditions (i.e. low-cost arrangements to bring about the exchange among Board members in a certain way) we have found that deliberation and interest-based preference maximisation are not necessarily mutually exclusive, as long as we manage to stop donor members from behaving like monopolists. To this end, we have to open up the Board from its present state of non-transparency, so that new input can be obtained from new constituents. This will also soften the current principal-agent structure that links members to their donors, easing the transition to market-driven governance rules that provide for the replacement of Board members if they do not fulfil the new constituents' expectations.

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Comparative regional integration in SADC and ASEAN

Democracy and governance issues in historical and socio-economic context

Robert W. Compton Jr.

English abstract: Both the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) support regional and national integration, the protection of human rights and civil society involvement, and non-interference in member states' internal affairs. Sometimes these goals at the regional level become mutually exclusive. Human rights groups, international organizations, and Western states have criticized human rights abuses and democracy and governance shortcomings in several ASEAN states (e.g., Vietnam and Myanmar) and SADC countries (e.g., Swaziland, Madagascar, and Zimbabwe). This article addresses ASEAN and SADC's historical context and continued development related to these issues. It also evaluates the regional organizations' effectiveness in balancing o en mutually exclusive goals and concludes that existing regional organizational strength and cohesion impact the approaches used to manage conflict and external criticism and build greater social cohesion regionally and within states. SADC utilizes a “regional compliance model“ based on political criteria whereas ASEAN utilizes a “constructive engagement“ or “economic integration first“ model. SADC places greater emphasis on placing good governance, especially as it relates to human rights, at the forefront of regionalism. ASEAN sublimates human rights to regional integration through constructive engagement and greater emphases on economic relations. Two distinct models of regional integration exist.

Spanish abstract: La Comunidad de Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC por sus siglas en inglés), y la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN en inglés), apoyan la integración regional/continental y nacional, la protección de los derechos humanos, la participación de la sociedad civil, y la no injerencia en los asuntos internos de los estados miembros. A veces, estas metas son mutuamente excluyentes a nivel regional. Grupos de derechos humanos, organizaciones internacionales y estados occidentales han criticado las violaciones de los derechos humanos y las deficiencias en democracia y gobernabilidad en varios Estados de la ASEAN (por ejemplo, Vietnam y Myanmar) y en algunos países de la SADC (por ejemplo, Suazilandia, Madagascar y Zimbabue). En este artículo se aborda el contexto histórico de la SADC y la ASEAN y su continuo desarrollo relacionado con los temas mencionados. También se evalúa la eficacia de las organizaciones regionales, haciendo el balance entre los objetivos a menudo mutuamente excluyentes, y concluye que la existente fuerza regional de organización y cohesión impacta los enfoques utilizados para manejar el conflicto y la crítica externa, y promueve la construcción de una mayor cohesión social regionalmente y dentro de los estados. La SADC utiliza un “modelo de cumplimiento regional“ basado en criterios políticos, mientras que la ASEAN utiliza un modelo de “compromiso constructivo“ o “integración económica primero“. La SADC pone mayor énfasis en afianzar la buena gobernanza, especialmente en lo relacionado con los derechos humanos, a la vanguardia del regionalismo. La ASEAN vincula los derechos humanos a la integración regional a través de un compromiso constructivo y pone un mayor énfasis en las relaciones económicas. Dos existentes modelos diferentes de integración regional.

French abstract: La Communauté de développement d'Afrique australe (SADC en anglais), aussi bien que L'Association des nations de l'Asie du SudEst (ANASE) soutiennent respectivement les principes relatifs à l'intégration régionale et nationale, à la protection des droits de l'homme, à la participation de la société civile dans l'agenda publique, ainsi qu'à la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes des Etats. Toutefois, il arrive que ces objectifs deviennent mutuellement exclusifs au niveau régional. Les organisations de défense des droits de l'homme et les gouvernements occidentaux n'ont jamais cessé de critiquer les violations des droits de l'homme, ainsi que les lacunes en matière de démocratie et de gouvernance qui prévalent dans les pays membre de l'ANASE (ex : le Viet Nam, Myanmar) et ceux de la SADC (ex : le Swaziland, Madagascar et le Zimbabwe). Cet article aborde le contexte historique dans lequel l'ANASE et la SADC ont vu le jour ainsi que la nature des enjeux qui l'ont suivi. Il évalue également d'un point de vue comparé, l'efficacité de ces organisations régionales sur la base des objectifs qu'ils se sont fixés, tout en penchant pour la conclusion selon laquelle la présence d'une force régionale influente impacte nécessairement dans la gestion des conflits, et combien la critique externe participe à la construction d'une plus grande cohésion sociale et régionale au sein des États. La SADC s'appuie un “modèle de conformité régionale» fondé sur des critères politiques, tandis que l'ANASE fait appel à un “engagement constructif“ ayant pour modèle “l'intégration économique“. La SADC accorde davantage plus d'importance à la mise en œuvre d'une bonne gouvernance, particulièrement en ce qui concerne les droits de l'homme et l'évolution vers un régionalisme plus avancé. L'ANASE sublime les droits de l'homme à l'intégration régionale par le biais d'un engagement constructif et de grandes insistances dans les relations économiques. Ce qui fait d'eux deux modèles d'intégration régionale distincts.

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Jeffrey D. Hilmer

Foundations and Frontiers of Deliberative Governance by John S. Dryzek

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Interiority and government of the child

Transparency, risk, and good governance in Indonesia

Jan Newberry

the earthquake: the child in need of “trauma healing.” In this postdisaster landscape, the traumatized child served, as such figures often do, to condense and organize significant changes in governance. The renaissance in theorizing the child and

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Governing the Sun

The Challenges of Geoengineering

Klaus Radunsky and Tim Cadman

unable or unwilling to take concerted action, calling into question the legitimacy of intergovernmentalism as a means of global governance ( Gale 2013 ; Goyal 2015 ). Various assessments conclude that the risks of not meeting either the 1.5°C or the 2