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The Market of Honors

On the Bicentenary of the Legion of Honor

Oliver Ihl

This article focuses on the findings of a study of titles and honors in twentieth-century France, in which these signs are analyzed as a government technique in their own right. This article shows how, transformed into a state emulation, a style of bureaucratic authority was created, a mode of coercion that favored an impersonal style of control over and between various corps of administrators, artists, managers, journalists, or elected representatives. A government technique was constituted in the distribution of the croix de la légion d'honneur, the most famous of these decorations—one with a conception of exemplarity (that of marks of distinction serving as a model for behaviors transcending the frame of legal obligations) and an emphasis on the soundness of behaviors, the guarantee and objective of a policy of conduct openly intended to replace the policy of rights or classes inherited from the French Revolution. Philosophers and intellectuals were to transform this intuition into a political paradigm: virtue can also, in its own way, be a rule of policing. Rationalized by a fast-growing bureaucracy, these marks of grandeur that constituted a means of emulation have now been trivialized to the extent of no longer being analyzed as such. Reconsidering the conditions in which they operate, this article proposes an interpretation of uses and functions through which the decoration invented by Napoléon spawned an administration of honors, the crucible of a full-blown government science.

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Betsy Bowman and Bob Stone

The question whether, in the interim, the "socialist morality" allows adequate restraint on revolutionary action, cannot fairly be answered in abstraction from history, in this case our epoch. We submit that the group of projects called corporate "globalization" - imposing free trade, privatization, and dominance of transnational corporations - shapes that epoch. These projects are associated with polarization of wealth, deepening poverty, and an alarming new global U.S. military domination. Using 9/11 as pretext for a "war on terror," this domination backs corporate globalization. If Nazi occupation of France and French occupation of Algeria made Sartre and Beauvoir assign moral primacy to overcoming oppressive systems, then U.S. global occupation should occasion rebirth of that commitment. Parallels among the three occupations are striking. France's turning of colonial and metropolitan working classes against each other is echoed by globalization's pitting of (e.g.) Chinese against Mexican workers in a race to lower wages to get investment. Seducing first-world workers with racial superiority and cheap imports from near-slavery producers once again conceals their thralldom to their own bosses. Nazi and French use of overwhelming force and even torture are re-cycled by the U.S. and its agents, again to hide the vulnerability of their small forces amidst their enemies.

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Scott Gunther

Upper Class and How They Got There . 1 He defines the bobo as a cosmopolitan, upper-middle-class individual who espouses liberal politics (especially with regard to social and environmental issues) and eschews conspicuous consumption, spending large

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Hannah Callaway, Alec G. Hargreaves, and John P. Murphy

, however, is greater than simply shining light on these lesser-known neighborhoods and their residents. With their study, they aim to contribute to the analysis of French social class structure, a topic that received renewed attention by social scientists

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David Schweikart

capitalism and equally rapacious Communism], I contend that that man has already left us: he has gone off alone to his corner and is sulking.” 10 In particular, what is missing both from The Rebel and from Camus’s worldview is any real sense of class

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Suzanne Berger

, liberal professions, some upper-level managers, and bureaucrats. In the case of the Poujadists, the support came from the traditional middle classes: shopkeepers, artisans, and small businesses. Secondly, Hoffmann observed that the political ideologies of

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Frédéric Sawicki

pamphlets in public places, and organize petitions and demonstrations (especially during the national campaign). These were the standard practices of working-class mass parties, borrowed mostly from trade unions. The guidebook emphasized the need to contact

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Chiara Collamati

Translator : Marieke Mueller and Kate Kirkpatrick

pre-condition for an act capable of transforming the real, or more precisely, as the root of a materialist and dialectical ethics. Alienation in the Critique of Dialectical Reason In the passages dedicated to collectives and to class-being, 3 Sartre

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Incarnation, Alienation, and Emancipation

A Sartrean Analysis of Filmic Violence

Daniel Sullivan

and the typically working-class audience. Boxers are often driven to their careers as a way to more productively utilize the athletic aggression they have developed against a background of frustrating labor and poverty. And the audience flocks to

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From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream

The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France

Gabriel Goodliffe

. It is divided into four parts. Part one breaks down the electoral results in terms of their particular geographic, sectoral, and spatial dimensions. It shows how the FN has been able to extend its influence among a lower-class, principally peri