This special issue on E. P. Thompson’s The Making of the English Working Class (1963) grew out of a symposium I organized at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign in October 2013 to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the book’s publication. I am, on the face of it, one of the least likely modern British historians to be organizing such an event. I can remember the first time I held the weighty tome in my hands: I was a junior in college, in the fall of 1982, and it was on the syllabus for a course I was taking on Victorian Britain, taught by Jonathan Schneer at Yale University. As did many feminist and postcolonial historians of my generation, I struggled with what I saw as Thompson’s indifference to women and gender (oh, those deluded followers of Joanna Southcott!) and his incapacity to see the evidence of race and empire in his sources even when they cried out from below the footnote line for all to see.
E. P. Thompson and The Making of the English Working Class
The Tailor and Ansty Revisited
Maryann Gialanella Valiulis
Censorship laws were introduced in the Irish Free State in 1928 and sparked immediate controversy among intellectuals, the media, and the political classes. The issue of censorship became the center of a conversation about Irish national identity. It was, in part, an assertion of independence and a conscious rejection of colonialism, an attempt to decide what stories would be told about them, what image they would portray to the world. In 1942, one text in particular sparked a renewal of the censorship controversy: Eric Cross's book, The Tailor and Ansty, which was banned because it was a realistic portrayal of Irish peasant life that was unacceptable to post-colonial Ireland, and because the author, an English folklorist, was perceived to be trying to undermine post-colonial attempts to establish a modern identity for Ireland. Thus, the application of censorship laws in Ireland can be seen as a move to free Irish self-identity from the negative portrayals of the Irish so prevalent in the colonial period.
Uncovering the Politics of Playtime
Since the publication in 1960 of Philippe Ariès’s foundational, if problematic, Centuries of Childhood, the history of childhood has developed into a rich and varied field. At the annual conference of the Western Society for French History in 2018, a call for panelists for a roundtable on the history of childhood expanded into two separate panels ranging from the medieval era through the thirty glorious postwar years. The panelists and the audience grappled with questions about the social construction of age, the ages of childhood, and the challenges of finding sources for a group that left few “ego documents.” Although children per se never exercised political or global power, attention to children clarifies how critical children were to political and international systems. Material generated by children themselves can be difficult to locate, but adults generated plenty of material about children. The intersectionality of the history of childhood with fields like labor history, urban history, the history of the welfare state, and the history of psychology parallels the intersectionality of children themselves, who come from every race, social class, and gender. All humans, it turns out, start out as children.
On the Political and Ideological Implications of Capitalism's Subordination of Democracy
( Douzinas 2010: 82-83 ; Wood 2002: 284-285 ). The appearance of a political sphere separate from the capitalist economy rests on the fact that, by contrast to previous class societies, capitalism can enforce exploitation without the application of extra
The Timeline of a Concept
Juan Francisco Fuentes
contribution and to the influence of the Latin American case he was studying: “In general, populism might be described as a political movement led by a charismatic leader, usually from some discontented sector of the ruling class, who mobilizes an essentially
politicocultural hegemony between social classes and political “parties”. At the same time, the particular concept of communism allows us to study a case of what Jacques Derrida termed “spectrality” (or, perhaps better, “spectral otherness”) involved in certain
Democratic Theory in a Time of Defiance
Jean-Paul Gagnon and Emily Beausoleil
representative politics moved from tackling class-based material concerns to ones framed around recognition and identity ( Devine and Sensier 2017 ; Fraser 1995 ; Fraser and Honneth 2003 ). People from these subsets, be they “white working class” ( Ford and
Gustave Hervé and the Great War
Michael B. Loughlin
the rhetoric of revolution, but by then he generally described his socialism using rhetoric calling for an end to class conflict under the “supposed” inspiration of the French revolutionary tradition and an indictment of German materialist socialism as
Poland and Finland in a Contrastive Comparison, 1830—1907
Wiktor Marzec and Risto Turunen
and Finland from a less fatalistic perspective, and argue that the active choices of popular classes in a way determined the political futures of various states throughout Europe. And one can see that these choices, though made in the past, are
Paul Apostolidis, William E. Connolly, Jodi Dean, Jade Schiff, and Romand Coles
is the eastern part of the state, where, compared to the Puget Sound region, there is a lot more sunshine and open space and where the leading industries are agricultural rather than high-tech. Each member of my class of fifteen undergraduates, in a