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David Drake and Annette Lavers

Michael Scriven, Jean-Paul Sartre: Politics and Culture in Postwar France, Basingstoke and London, The Macmillan Press, 1999, 193 pp., ISBN 0–333–63321–0. Review by David Drake

Sartre: Trois lectures – Philosophie, linguistique, littérature, Paris: Université Paris X, 1998, 203 pp., ISSN 1166–2212, 100FF. Review by Annette Lavers

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William Wilkerson, Adrian van den Hoven, and Elizabeth Butterfield

Michelle Darnell, Self in the Theoretical Writings of Sartre and Kant Review by William Wilkerson

Jonathan Judaken, Jean-Paul Sartre and the Jewish Question: Anti-antisemitism and the Politics of the French Intellectual Review by Adrian van den Hoven

Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir A Film Directed by Max Cacopardo Review by Elizabeth Butterfield

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Georges Barrère, Tim Huntley, and Nik Farrell Fox

Penser à deux ? Sartre et Benny Lévy face à face by Gilles Hanus Review by Georges Barrère

Critical Theory to Structuralism: Philosophy, Politics and the Human Sciences by David Ingram (ed.) Review by Tim Huntley

Sartre and Posthumanist Humanism by Elizabeth Butterfield Review by Nik Farrell Fox

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David Drake

Conventional wisdom holds that the political evolution of an individual passes from youthful radicalism to the conservatism of later years. In this respect, as in many others, Sartre declined to follow the norm. As a young man, despite his detestation of the bourgeoisie, his anti-militaristic sentiments, his anti-authoritarianism and unconventional lifestyle, Sartre remained aloof from politics, while it was towards the end of his life that his most radical commitment occurred, triggered in large part by the events of May-June 1968. This paper will establish that although Sartre supported the 1968 student movement, he remained essentially outside it and it made little immediate impact on his thinking or practice; it was only several months later that the ‘events’ made themselves felt to Sartre, leading him to question the definition of himself as intellectual which he had defended hitherto.

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David Drake

This article considers Sartre's relations with the French Communist Party (PCF) in the years immediately following the Liberation when the PCF considered that, of all the prominent French intellectuals, it was Sartre who posed the greatest threat. This article opens by situating the PCF within the French political landscape immediately after the Liberation and addressing its attitudes towards intellectuals. It then examines the main themes of the attacks launched by the PCF, between 1944 and the staging of Les Mains sales (Dirty Hands) in 1948, on both Sartre and existentialism and the reasons for these attacks. It concludes by noting the differences between the PCF and Sartre on three specific political issues during this period.

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Anita Chari

Hegel’s concept of recognition has been taken up by a number of thinkers, including Axel Honneth, Robert Williams, and Charles Taylor, under the banner of “the politics of recognition,” which pro- poses to put the concept of recognition to use in the service of a theory of politics that can respond to the problems of group-based structural injustice and subordination. According to these thinkers, equal recognition and the possibility of undistorted forms of communicative agreement serve as the regulative ideal that governs the ever-expanding horizon of a community of autonomous, mutually affirming equals, in which, as Honneth writes, each person has “the chance to know that he or she is socially esteemed with regard to his or her abilities.”

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David Lethbridge

Sartre's interventions at the Vienna, Berlin, and Helsinki Congresses of the World Peace Council are examined in depth. Neglected and overlooked for over a half-century, it is argued that the themes Sartre elaborated in these speeches were consonant with the political and intellectual projects he had been developing since the mid-1930s. Although Sartre spoke as a Marxist who had allied himself with the Communist Party, his deepest concern was to build international unity in opposition to the escalating threat of nuclear war, and to restore political and economic sovereignty to a Western Europe crushed by dependency on America. Freedom for all the world's peoples, Sartre argued, depended on mutual interdependence between nations, built from the ground up by the popular masses.

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Thomas R. Flynn and Steven Hendley

Ronald Aronson and Adrian van den Hoven (eds.), We Have Only This Life To Live: The Selected Essays of Jean-Paul Sartre, 1939-1975 Review by Thomas R. Flynn

Sonia Kruks, Simone de Beauvoir and the Politics of Ambiguity Review by Steven Hendley

Sean B. Carroll, Brave Genius: A Scientist, a Philosopher, and Their Daring Adventures from the French Resistance to the Nobel Prize Review by Damon Boria

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Several important facets of Sartre’s work are exemplified in this issue of Sartre Studies International: on the one hand, the range and variety of his intellectual and literary achievements (methodological innovation, political intervention, amorous discourse and theatrical exploration); on the other, his interactions with other key intellectuals (specifically, Lefebvre, Camus and de Beauvoir) that were the source of a productive and challenging re-evaluation and reassessment.

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Adrian van den Hoven

This collection of twenty-one articles by thirteen American, six British, and two Canadian scholars is divided into four sections: Sartre and Philosophy; Sartre and Psychology; Sartre: (Auto)biography, Theater, and Cinema; and, finally, Sartre and Politics. The great diversity of approaches and commentaries is a tribute to the stature of Sartre, whose writings continue to have an impact on the English-speaking world and farther afield.