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’, ‘a single currency’ and ‘free trade’ (ibid.). Thus, the substance of Nyerere’s theory is a demand for a form of pan-Africanism that would lead to ‘a continent-wide state, single and indivisible’ (ibid.: 330). He believes in ‘unity of action together

and psychological force in pursuit of: (i) political injustice in the form of loss of sovereign title to territory and disenfranchisement in foreign countries; (ii) economic injustice based on racism justifying the slave trade and enslavement, a

incremental reform as a step in the process of transformation. In an interview with Edward Webster (2014: 148) , Turner said an institute was needed for worker education to educate workers into what a trade union is. Turner also wanted to create a journal to

’ ( Diop 1987a: 7 ). Africans in West Africa had common languages, despite the existence of local dialects that were used as languages of trade and government (ibid). But with the arrival of European colonialism, African official languages were replaced

the Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester, England in October 1945. Organised by the Trinidadian pan-Africanist George Padmore and Ghanaian independence leader Kwame Nkrumah, it was planned to follow the World Federation of Trade Unions’ meeting in

disintegrated over the question of free trade, and was succeeded by a series of unstable coalition governments which persisted throughout the period we are looking at. Earl Grey, the Colonial Secretary in Lord John Russell’s Whig government, was influenced by

must make sure their reasons for voting as they do are morally and epistemically justified’ ( Brennan 2011: 4 ). Call these duties the Duties to Vote Well. Brennan claims that ‘vote buying, selling and trading are morally permissible’ where it does not

in pressing their demands for the return of Peron. Second is the Peronist Youth whose radicalism was based on (1) disdain towards the trade union bureaucracy and bureaucratic party structures; (2) emphasis on generational struggle; and (3) an

necessary pre-conditions for quotidian forms of dissidence. The trade-off in public visibility increases the vulnerability of everyday opposition to having no or little impact and passing by unnoticed. The resistant actor is likely to have limited influence