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Camille Robcis and Benjamin Poole

commercial channel, ITV. Under the pressure of political debates, changing technology, and rising American influence, public service television prioritized national identity and national interests over European integration, despite some notable pan

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Eric Jennings, Hanna Diamond, Constance Pâris de Bollardière, and Jessica Lynne Pearson

with the more general European postwar background (be it about national identities, psychological issues or the history of the family). By exposing the debates about raising children in family versus children’s homes (which numbered to around sixty in

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What Was So Funny about Les Aventures de Rabbi Jacob (1973)

A Comedic Film between History and Memory

Michael Mulvey

with both, as well as between, Jews and Arabs. The film has become a veritable cinematic lieu de mémoire tied to a particular definition of French national identity. To quote Dominique de Villepin, Rabbi Jacob is “part of all our [French] memories

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Frédéric Sawicki

, campaigns were mostly about conviction and political conflict. Canvassing was a way for members to assert their identity and ‘fight’ together. It was mostly about belonging to a group of party members. Rather, scientific door-to-door canvassing is oriented

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Richard Ivan Jobs, Judith Surkis, Laura Lee Downs, Nimisha Barton, and Kimberly A. Arkin

ongoing confrontation of individuals and groups coming to terms with the legacy of imperialism. He sees the “affrontier as a faultline across and through which national and trans-national identities are constantly being reconstituted” (7) by a diverse

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Nadia Malinovich

The evolving use of European standard languages provides a rich terrain for the exploration of identity politics in the aftermath of decolonization. * This is especially true in the French context, where the link between culture and language is

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From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream

The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France

Gabriel Goodliffe

supporters thought the EU a threat to French national identity versus 36% respectively for the FdG, UMP, and MoDem. Meanwhile, 90% of FN supporters believed that France’s decision-making powers should be reinforced even if this meant limiting those of the EU

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, at home, and in migration, intersections of race, gender, and class, contrasts between rural and urban areas, or the multiple role of religious identities and legal statuses. Reconstructing those social realities will require new archives, of labor

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: Catholics and the Formation of Postcolonial Identity in Algeria (Vol. 33, No. 2, 97) WALKER-SAID, Charlotte . Science and Charity: Rival Catholic Visions for Humanitarian Practice at the End of Empire (Vol. 33, No. 2, 33) REFLECTIONS, EVENTS, AND DEBATES

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Suzanne Berger

threaten to wipe out the centrist and social democratic politics of the postwar world. Brexit in England, the election of Donald Trump in the United States, the rise of AfD (Alternative for Germany), the National Front in France and Five Stars in Italy all