halcyon days of Egyptian theatre. Shakespeare, as is the case in many decolonizing countries, was in the foreground too. The April 1964 issue of al-Masraḥ , only the magazine’s fourth, was a special issue in honour of the 400th anniversary of Shakespeare
Reflective Remarks in Three Snapshots
L'Effort indochinois and Autonomy in a Global Context, 1936–1939
M. Kathryn Edwards
of empire. The 1930s and, more specifically, the era of the Popular Front constituted a missed opportunity for a negotiated process of decolonization. As Daniel Hémery and Pierre Brocheux assert, the period from 1936 to 1939 represented a “closing
Decolonizing the Jewish “Family” during the Algerian War
Almost all of Algeria's estimated 140,000 Jews had immigrated to France by the end of the Algerian War in 1962, many of them to the Paris region. Their arrival was a source of ambivalent hope for metropolitan Jewish religious and community leaders. This article demonstrates that the period of decolonization was one in which metropolitan Jewish leaders tried to simultaneously celebrate and efface Algerian Jewish difference. This struggle took place in local religious sites, where French and Algerian Jews were accustomed to a variety of liturgies, melodies, and behaviors. The tensions that erupted when Algerian Jews asserted their right to religious particularism should be read as evidence of the paradoxes of decolonization. While a near-century of colonial citizenship had made many Algerian Jews “French,” decolonization and migration to the metropole made them Arab in the eyes of many metropolitan Jews.
Indochina played a pioneering role during the decolonization of the French empire, and the religious issue proved important to the process. Even to this day, state-church relations bear signs of this contentious and painful past. The historiography of the Indochina War, as well as that of the Vietnam War, clearly call attention to the activism of religious leaders and religious communities, especially Buddhists and Catholics, who fought for independence, peace, and the needs and rights of the Third World. And religion was put to the service of shaping public opinion both in Vietnam and internationally. Naturally, ideological convictions during the era of decolonialization account for the dominance of political analysis of this subject. But with the passage of time we can now develop a more sociological understanding of people's religious motivations and practices and the role they played in the conflict between communism and nationalism. The historian can also re-examine the secularization process in decolonized societies by analyzing, on the one hand, the supposed loss of ascendancy of religions in society and, on the other hand, the appearance of new religious movements that tended to adapt to modernity. This essay explores these politico-religious dynamics in the context of the decolonization of Vietnam.
Museums in the Age of Global Mobility, Mexico City, 7–9 June 2017
Gwyneira Isaac, Diana E. Marsh, Laura Osorio Sunnucks, and Anthony Shelton
While museums are perceived as institutions dedicated to the dissemination and exchange of culturally diverse knowledges, museum scholarship has been hampered by a lack of multilingual networks and publications necessary for the exchange of museological perspectives between different linguistic, regional, and national communities. At the same time, the museum decolonization movement, the move from monocultural to pluricultural societies, the political resurgence of cultural essentialism, escalating environmental deterioration, and the international impact of current migration crises—by both uniting and dividing peoples—have clarified the need for institutions to socially and intellectually engage with the increasingly complex global flows and disruptions of people and ideas.
Few scholars today question the binary relationship between imperialism and violence, and French historians are no exception. In recent years, a multitude of studies have appeared concerning the violence inherent in the conquest of the nineteenth-century Gallic empire, the maintenance and defense of the colonial system, and the decolonization process—massacres and torture during the Algerian War, for example. Such works often reflect Etienne Balibar’s definition of “structural violence”: an essential component of a repressive system, maintaining unequal social relations while defending “the interests, power positions, and forms of social domination.”1 This hegemony took various guises at different times throughout the history of French imperialism, operating in tandem with assaults on the indigènes (the term adopted by the authorities for natives). It could involve surveillance and intelligence gathering, security forces, and judicial-penal institutions employed to harass and control the colonized. Yet it also resulted from the forced pacification of native peoples (Alice Conklin refers to this policy as an “act of state-sanctioned violence”) and the imposition of the indigénat—the loose collection of rules that granted extraordinary police and disciplinary powers to the colonial administration, along with the imposition of forced labor and taxation.2 The ultimate defense of this system, and indeed its brutal apogee, emerged during the wars of decolonization, in which tens of thousands of the colonized were killed in Algeria and Indochina, while countless others were subjected to torture and incarceration.
Catholics and the Formation of Postcolonial Identity in Algeria
As French officials negotiated the terms of Algerian independence with the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria (GPRA) in 1961–62, among the issues discussed was the future of the Christian population. After colonial occupation and armed struggle, in which the defense of “Christian civilization” in Algeria had been a major ideological justification for French violence against the Algerian population, the future of Christianity in postcolonial Algeria was not self-evident. This article examines how European Catholics negotiated their position in post-independence Algeria. I demonstrate that Catholic attempts to “become Algerian” and decolonize the Church were intertwined with global religious politics, economic necessities, and colonial history. Yet their continued presence in Algeria demonstrates that the standard narratives of postcolonial rupture between the European and Algerian populations do not hold up, for, in the early years of post-independence Algeria, European Catholics played an active role in the construction of the postcolonial nation.
Evelyn Bernadette Ackerman Liberalism under Siege: The Political Thought of the French Doctrinaires by Aurelian Craiutu
Sudhir Hazareesingh Funerals, Politics, and Memory in Modern France, 1789-1996 by Avner Ben-Amos
Isabelle Merle Exile to Paradise: Savagery and Civilization in Paris and the South Pacific 1790-1900 by Alice Bullard
Jon Cowans Making Jazz French: Music and Modern Life in Interwar Paris by Jeffrey H. Jackson
Mary D. Lewis In the Aftermath of Genocide: Armenians and Jews in Twentieth-Century France by Maud S. Mandel
Sara B. Pritchard The Light-Green Society: Ecology and Technological Modernity in France, 1960-2000 by Michael Bess
Todd Shepard France and Algeria: A History of Decolonization and Transformation by Philip C. Naylor
Frank R. Baumgartner Party, Society, Government: Republican Democracy in France by David Hanley
Katherine Opello French Women in Politics: Writing Power, Paternal Legitimation and Maternal Legacies by Raylene L. Ramsey
Andrei S. Markovits Football in France: A Cultural History by Geoff Hare
Charles Cogan Qui a tué Daniel Pearl? by Bernard-Henri Lévy
Lloyd Kramer The Post-Revolutionary Self: Politics and Psyche in France, 1750-1850 by Jan Goldstein
J.P. Daughton Divided Houses: Religion and Gender in Modern France by Caroline Ford
Joshua Cole The Invention of Decolonization: The Algerian War and the Remaking of France by Todd Shepard
Richard J. Golsan A Holocaust Controversy: The Treblinka Affair in Postwar France by Samuel Moyn
Goulven Boudic Intellectuels Communistes: Essai sur l’obéissance politique, « La Nouvelle critique », 1967-1980 by Frédérique Matonti
Michael Christofferson The Specter of Democracy by Dick Howard
Françoise Gollain Une sécurité d’emploi ou de formation by Paul Boccara
Benjamin Moodie Le deuxième âge de l’émancipation: La société, les femmes et l’emploi by Dominique Méda and Hélène Périvier
Sue Frohlick, Kristin Lozanski, Amy Speier, and Mimi Sheller
What mobilizes people to take up reproductive options, directions, and trajectories in ways that generate the possibilities and practices of mobilities? People’s desires for procreation or to resolve fertility challenges or partake in sperm donation, egg freezing, or surrogacy; the need for abortion services; and forced evacuation for childbirth care all involve movement. Reproductive aspirations, norms, and regulations move people’s bodies, as well as related technologies and bioproducts. At the same time, these corporeal, material, in/tangible mobilities of bodies, things, and ideas are also generative of reproductive imaginaries and practices. Reproduction is mobile and movement affects reproduction. Building from an interdisciplinary workshop on reproductive mobilities in Kelowna, Canada, this article aims to push the mobilities framework toward the edges of feminist, affect, queer, decolonizing, materialist, and nonrepresentational theories in thinking through both reproduction and movement.