Though states are founded in and dependent on successfully claiming a monopoly on the use of violent force and the certification of citizenship, these means suggest particular ends: the production of the social order. Police have the primary mandate to produce order and administer poverty. From a new abolitionist perspective, the particular social order of the U.S. is unique. The white race was founded through the production and maintenance of the color line and performed through a cross-class alliance of whites. Policing is deeply implicated in these processes. A historical account of police during the Herrenvolk era is provided. Finally, the persistence of racist policing is explained in light of a now officially color-blind political order, with officers functioning as petty sovereigns in a neoliberal era.
From Slave Catchers to Petty Sovereigns
Adolescent Girls Speak about Girls' Aggression
Melissa K. Levy
A perceived rise in girls' physical aggression is alarming the public as it collides with dominant views of femininity. Existing research focuses on either boys' violence or girls' non-physical aggression, leaving the realm of girls' physical aggression relatively unexplored. Using data from ethnographic observations and interviews, this study examines young adolescent girls' experience of their and their peers' fighting. Findings indicate that girls participate in fights to stand up for themselves and others, to show they are not afraid, and for fun. This study calls for continued in-depth research into girls' perspectives on aggression and violence in order to provide insight into how gendered, raced, and classed structures affect girls. It seeks, too, to address the problems that arise from girls fighting.
Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther and Jonathan Michael Kaplan
All eyes are turned towards genomic data and models as the source of knowledge about whether human races exist or not. Will genomic science make the final decision about whether racial realism (e.g. racial population naturalism) or anti-realism (e.g. racial scepticism) is correct? We think not. The results of even our best and most impressive genomic technologies under-determine whether biogenomic races exist, or not. First, different sub-disciplines of biology interested in population structure employ distinct concepts, aims, measures and models, producing cross-cutting categorisations of population subdivisions rather than a single, universal biogenomic concept of 'race.' Second, within each sub-discipline (e.g. phylogenetics, conservation biology), genomic results are consistent with, and map multiply to, racial realism and anti-realism. Indeed, racial ontologies are constructed conventionally, rather than discovered. We thus defend a constructivist conventionalism about biogenomic racial ontology. Choices and conventions must always be made in identifying particular kinds of groups. Political agendas, social programmes, and moral questions premised on the existence of naturalistic race should accept that no scientifically grounded racial ontology is forthcoming, and adjust presumptions, practices and projects accordingly.
Judith A. Nicholson and Mimi Sheller
Race matters. “Too often scholars discuss mobility in the abstract, assuming or omitting the highly consequential matter of the identity of those who move and its effects on how they move.” 1 This special issue on Mobility and Race has
Moments in the History of African-American Masculine Mobilities
separate due to disciplinary and subdisciplinary convention. Holding the fact of movement as the central problematic of our explorations means that it becomes possible to talk about sport, dance, and urban policing in holistic ways. “Race” is a central
Issues Raised by Miscegenation in Portugal (Late Nineteenth to Mid-Twentieth Centuries)
Patrícia Ferraz de Matos
has frequently been described as a ‘three-race’ country. This can be found in works discussing its formation and development ( Couto 1995 ), its miscegenation ( Maio and Santos 1998 ; Schwarcz 1999 ) or the relationships between different ethnic
This article modifies philosopher Tamar Szabó Gendler's theory of imaginative resistance in order to make it applicable to film and analyze a distinctively adverse kind of resistant response to James Cameron's Avatar (2009). Gendler's theory, as she states it, seeks to explain resistance to literary stories in a straightforwardly cognitivist, but narrowly rationalistic fashion. This article introduces elements from recent work at the intersection of philosophy of film and the emotions to augment Gendler's theory so that it can be used to explain why some viewers hesitate or even refuse to imagine some cinematic fictional worlds. The method used is analytic philosophy of film. The analysis reveals that some viewers are cognitively impoverished with regard to imagining race in general: they will likely have extreme difficulty in centrally imagining racially "other" characters, which also bodes ill for their real-world prospects for moral engagements concerning race.
Being “Boy,” Being “Filipino,” Being “Other”
In this article I draw on data gathered from focus groups hosted in the summer of 2012 and speak to the diverse literature within the field of masculinity studies. More specifically, I explore the role that race and place plays in the performance
Transfers as Interdisciplinary Site
flourished in the postwar UK, as well as feminist, poststructuralist, diasporic, postcolonial, and critical race theory. 1 The field has come to reject the frame of “American exceptionalism” and treat the United States as one of many national actors in the
Hollywood's Hegemonic Reimagining of Counterculture
's commitment to white-male authority. Molina-Guzman finds that Hollywood productions can be consumed by mixed-gender and mixed-race audiences for the purposes of maximum profit. Yet ultimately, the white-male imagination behind the screen leads to the