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Helmut Norpoth and Thomas Gschwend

Picking winners in electoral contests is a popular sport in Germany,

as in many places elsewhere. During the 2002 campaign for the

Bundestag, pre-election polls tracked the horse race of party support

almost daily. Election junkies were invited to enter online sweepstakes.

They could also bet real money, albeit in limited quantity, on

the parties’ fortunes on WAHL$TREET, a mock stock market run

by Die Zeit and other media. As usual, election night witnessed the

race of the networks to project the winner the second the polls

where voters had cast their ballots closed. But in 2002, there was

also one newcomer in the business of electoral prophecy: a statistical

forecast based on insights from electoral research.

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Éric Fassin

Pour étudier le débat public sur la reconnaissance des unions de même sexe, la comparaison transatlantique nous confronte à un paradoxe1. D’une part, pendant les années 1990, la référence aux États-Unis est systématiquement invoquée en France, qu’il s’agisse de genre ou de sexualité, mais aussi d’ethnicité ou de race. D’autre part, durant la même période, en France comme aux États-Unis, on débat publiquement de la reconnaissance du couple homosexuel : on parle ainsi en même temps de choses comparables des deux côtés de l’Atlantique.

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Freedom Papers Hidden in His Shoe

Navigating Emancipation across Imperial Boundaries

Sue Peabody

A microhistorical inquiry into the life of Furcy, a man held in slavery in the French Indian Ocean colony of Île Bourbon (today Réunion), sheds light on shifting French policies and practices regarding race and slavery from the Old Regime to the general emancipation of 1848. The mobility of two enslaved domestic servants, Furcy and his mother Madeleine, who traveled between Bengal, Île Bourbon, Mauritius, and continental France, challenged French and British understandings of who could be legitimately held as slaves. Furcy's tenacious battle to win recognition of his freedom in multiple jurisdictions is a forgotten precursor to many international disputes over the juridical principle of Free Soil in the age of Emancipation.

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Jayson Harsin

Based on news video archives, this article employs critical frame and content analysis to analyze representations of the 2005 French banlieue riots on France's most-watched television station, TF1. Cultural racism theory is then used to analyze the results to demonstrate the discursive nature of the TF1 frames and the contexts of institutional racism they left out but which historians, ethnographers, and theorists of cultural racism suggest are crucial to understanding racial conflict in contemporary France. The most frequent frames blamed non-integrating cultures and illegal immigration. That is, race was coded in cultural traits of a problematic sub-group without mentioning it specifically.

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Dieter Roth

The 2002 election was a close race. The Social Democrats turned out

to be 6,027 votes ahead of the Christian Democrats. The red-green

government was returned to power only because of the so-called

overhang mandates1 for the SPD (three in the new Länder, one in

Hamburg) and the good result of the Greens, especially in the old

Länder. To put it differently, 1.2 percent (577,567 votes) was the winning

gap between the government and the opposition. Four seats

above the majority is a rather narrow margin but does not inevitably

entail a weak government. The CDU/CSU-led government in 1994

had a similar starting position, for example, and it endured in power.

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Claire Andrieu

If the Resistance as a whole is part of French identity, the different types of resistance, among them that of women, do not benefit from the same status. On the contrary, official commemorations of the Resistance are based upon two implicit statements: that the Resistance and the nation are somewhat equivalent— the Resistance being viewed as the uprising of the whole nation—and that to differentiate among the resisters would go against the very principles of the Resistance, its universalism, its refusal to make any distinction in race or origin. The assimilationism that is part of the ideology of the French Republic hinders the recognition of particularisms, whether regional, cultural or gendered.

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French Color Blindness in Perspective

The Controversy over "Statistiques Ethniques"

Daniel Sabbagh and Shanny Peer

In the United States, while some race-based policies such as affirmative action have faced often successful political and legal challenges over the last quartercentury, historically, the very principle of official racial classification has met with much less resistance. The Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment, according to which “no state shall deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws,” was not originally intended to incorporate a general rule of “color blindness.” And when in California, in 2003, the “Racial Privacy Initiative” led to a referendum on a measure—Proposition 54—demanding that “the state shall not classify any individual by race, ethnicity, color or national origin,” this restriction was meant to apply exclusively to the operation of public education, public contracting or public employment, that is, the three sites where affirmative action was once in effect and might be reinstated at some point, or so the proponents of that initiative feared. In any case, that measure was roundly defeated at the polls.

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William M. Reddy Politics and Theater: The Crisis of Legitimacy in Restoration France, 1815-1830 by Sheryl Kroen

Willa Z. Silverman Pulp Surrealism: Insolent Popular Culture in Early Twentieth-Century Paris by Robin Walz

Lenard R. Berlanstein The Modernist Enterprise: French Elites and the Threat of Modernity, 1900-1940 by Marjorie A. Beale

Laura Lee Downs Ouvrières parisiennes: marchés du travail et trajectoires professionnelles au vingtième siècle by Catherine Omnès

Mary D. Lewis The Colonial Unconscious: Race and Culture in Interwar France by Elizabeth Ezra

Seth Armus The Collaborator: The Trial and Execution of Robert Brasillach by Alice Kaplan

Robert C. Ulin Crafting the Culture and History of French Chocolate by Susan J. Terrio

Thomas Bénatouïl Comparer l’incomparable by Marcel Detienne

John Mollenkopf The Social Control of Cities: A Comparative Perspective by Sophie Body-Gendrot

W. Rand Smith Tocqueville’s Revenge: State, Society, and Economy in Contemporary France by Jonah D. Levy

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Christine Haynes, Lost Illusions: The Politics of Publishing in Nineteenth-Century France by Willa Z. Silverman

Lost Illusions: The Politics of Publishing in Nineteenth-Century France by Christine Hayne

Roderick Cooke La Responsabilité de l'écrivain: Littérature, droit et morale en France (XIXe-XXIe siècle) by Gisèle Sapiro

Venita Datta Dreyfus, Politics, Emotion, and the Scandal of the Century by Ruth Harris

Kenneth Mouré France's New Deal: From the Thirties to the Postwar Era by Philip Nord

Jeffrey Mehlman Correspondance, 1934-1968 by Jean Paulhan and Armand Petitjean

Justin Izzo L'Adieu au voyage: L'ethnologie française entre science et littérature by Vincent Debaene

Jean-Claude Barbier Recasting Welfare Capitalism: Economic Adjustment in Contemporary France and Germany by Mark Vail

Christopher Thompson Traîtres à la nation? Un autre regard sur la grève des Bleus en Afrique du Sud by Stéphane Beaud (with Philippe Guimard)

Paul A. Silverstein Collective Terms: Race, Culture, and Community in a State-Planned City in France by Beth S. Epstein

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History from Down Under

E. P. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class and Australia

Ann Curthoys

E. P. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class was influential in Australia as it was throughout the Anglophone world. The focus of interest changed over time, starting with the fate of those of The Making's radical protesters who were transported to the Australian colonies, and then focusing on questions of class formation and the relationship between agency and structure. The peak of influence was in the 1980s, especially in the rising field of social history, and a little later in the burgeoning field of cultural history. Yet The Making's own limitations on questions of gender, race, and colonialism meant that feminist and indigenous histories, which were transforming the discipline, engaged with it only indirectly. In recent years, as the turn to transnational, imperial, and Indigenous histories has taken hold, Thompson's influence has somewhat declined.