Introduction On 17 March 2011, the un Security Council passed Resolution 1973 authorizing the establishment of a no-fly zone and the use of force to protect the Libyan civilian population. Inside and outside of Germany, the Security Council
The AFD—Background, Facts and Figures In September 2017 a new right-wing political party, called the Alternative for Germany or AfD entered Germany’s parliament with ninety-two MPs. 1 This is the first time that a right-populist party has gained
Entangled Histories of the Greek–German Relationship and Their Varied Effects
I In the first seven months of 2015, an unprecedented number of irregular migrants from Africa and Asia sought asylum in Western Europe. Germany, in particular, became the destination of large numbers of asylum seekers, including tens of
Protestantischer Einfluss in griechischen Schulbüchern?
*Full article is in German
English abstract: In the nineteenth century, Anastasios Diomedes Kyriakos, a Greek professor of theology at the newly founded University of Athens, wrote a much heeded scholarly work of Greek ecclesiastical history. Kyriakos had been profoundly influenced by his German Protestant theological predecessors whose ideas, including those about Byzantium, found their way into his work, such that Byzantium was presented as an empire in constant decline. This article addresses the question whether this negative presentation of Byzantium was also adopted in Kyriakos’ school textbooks for ecclesiastical history at a time in which Byzantium was generally perceived proudly as part of Greek national historiography and identity.
German abstract: Anastasios Diomedes Kyriakos, griechischer Theologieprofessor an der neu gegründeten Universität von Athen, verfasste im 19. Jahrhundert ein bedeutsames akademisches Werk für Kirchengeschichte. Sein Werk war sehr stark von seinen deutschen, evangelischen theologischen Vorbildern geprägt, was sich nicht zuletzt bei seiner Byzanz-Darstellung niederschlägt, denn genau wie seine Vorbilder zeichnet er Byzanz als ein Reich im stetigen Verfall. Der vorliegende Aufsatz befasst sich vor allem mit der Frage, ob diese negative Byzanz-Darstellung auch in Kyriakos’ Schulbüchern für Kirchengeschichte tradiert worden ist, in einer Zeit, in der Byzanz eigentlich mit Stolz als Teil der griechischen Nationalgeschichtsschreibung und Identität betrachtet wurde.
In the German history of concepts, the era between 1760 and 1840 has been of special interest. The historian Reinhart Koselleck famously called this period a Sattelzeit , a time when not only cultural formations and social structures but also
Explaining the Failure of Pegida in Austria
(Pegida, its German acronym) and its role in Austria in early January 2015. 1 At the time Pegida Austria had announced its first protest in the capital city of Vienna. Only 300 people, however, attended the first public rally and soon Pegida Austria
The German model of political economy that had been an enviable
alternative to the liberal market until the late 1980s in the literature of
political economy was under serious structural crisis throughout the
1990s, causing serious doubts about its viability. Many neoliberals
and industrial experts in Germany began to doubt whether Germany
was an attractive place for business activity, initiating the Standort
Deutschland debate. Even German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder conceded
“the end of German model.”1 Many political economists and
journalists expected and recommended imitating the American
model of a liberal market. Prominent German newspapers and magazines
such as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Der Spiegel, and Die
Woche ran articles titled “The Discovery of America” and “Jobwunder
in Amerika.” Wolfgang Streeck, one of the main proponents of the
German model, expected the convergence of the German economy
toward an American-led liberal market economy under globalization
because of “a secular exhaustion of the German model.” Streeck
believed that the postwar German model was based on the politics
between labor and capital within a national boundary, but globalization
represents a fluidity of financial and labor markets that extricates
whatever coordination has been nationally accomplished.
Evidence from the Eastern States
Steven Wuhs and Eric McLaughlin
Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.
A critique of immigration policy in Germany through the lens of Turkish-Muslim women's experiences of migration
The largest group of migrants in Germany is the Turkish people, many of whom have low skills levels, are Muslim, and are slow to integrate themselves into their host communities. German immigration policy has been significantly revised since the early 1990s, and a new Immigration Act came into force in 2005, containing more inclusive stances on citizenship and integration of migrants. There is a strong rhetoric of acceptance and open doors, within certain parameters, but the gap between the rhetoric and practice is still wide enough to allow many migrants, particularly women, to fall through it. Turkish-Muslim women bear the brunt of the difficulties faced once they have arrived in Germany, and many of them are subject to domestic abuse, joblessness and poverty because of their invisibility to the German state, which is the case largely because German immigration policy does not fully realise a role and place for women migrants. The policy also does not sufficiently account for ethnic and cultural identification, or limitations faced by migrants in that while it speaks to integration, it does not fully enable this process to take place effectively. Even though it has made many advances in recent years towards a more open and inclusive immigration policy, Germany is still a 'reluctant' country of immigration, and this reluctance stops it from making any real strides towards integrating migrants fully into German society at large. The German government needs to take a much firmer stance on the roles of migrant women in its society, and the nature of the ethnic and religious identities of Muslim immigrants, in order to both create and implement immigration policy that truly allows immigrants to become full and contributing members to German social and economic life, and to bring it in line with the European Union's common directives on immigration.
Introduction For a long time, colonial memory used to be at the margins of the German culture of remembrance ( Erinnerungskultur ). This began to change with Namibian independence in 1990 and the ensuing diplomatic relations between Namibia