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The Alternative for Germany from Breakthrough toward Consolidation?

A Comparative Perspective on Its Organizational Development

E. Gene Frankland

and left extremists, institutional/legal obstacles to new parties, and social market-based prosperity. West German politics was structured by competition between two Volksparteien —the center-right Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union

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Mirko M. Hall

ideologies, especially against the backdrop of modern European history, it is rather surprising that neofolk has found—since the mid 1990s—its strongest fan base in Germany and Austria (and to a lesser extent, Italy), where albums have “repeatedly achieved

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Hartwig Pautz

Introduction P olitical movements rarely prosper without at least minimal intellectual foundations underpinning their activities. Germany's far right is no exception here. However, the delegitimation of Nazism and fascism and of associated

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Robert Gerald Livingston

Hannes Adomeit, Imperial Overstretch: Germany in Soviet Policy from Stalin to Gorbachev (Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 1998 )

W.R. Smyser, From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999)

Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn: Unification, The Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1999)

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Cyrus Shahan

Audible in the technological aesthetics of West German post punk is a 1980s strategy for escaping the political, cultural, and aesthetic contradictions of a nation trapped by the compulsion to, reconstruction of, and march toward a democratic

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Thomas Klikauer and Kathleen Webb Tunney

By the end of 2018, Germany’s secret service, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz) started composing a report on Germany’s most notorious right-wing political party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD). In January 2019, one of the authors asked Germany’s secret service to supply this report but was told “It’s secret.” On 28 January 2019, a short note even noted: “We will not send the document.” On the very same day, Netzpolitik.org posted the entire report online—all 436 pages of it. Netzpolitik.org stated: “We make the report available because open debate is vital in a democracy… and because it destroys the AfD’s fairy-tale of being a normal political party.” In their introduction, Netzpolitik’s Andre Meister, Anna Biselli, and Markus Reuter, who published the report, also emphasize: “We make the report available because the secret service believes ‘parts of the AfD violate Germany’s constitutional guarantee that human dignity is inviolable.”’ Netzpolitik.org is convinced that Germans have a right to know. Reading through the report one hardly finds evidence that would justify secrecy. Instead, it is a valid report written by a German state agency tasked with defending the Basic Law (Grundgesetz) concerning a political party.

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Maria Stehle

Ruff, Mark Edward. The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)

McDougall, Alan. Youth Politics in East Germany: The Free German Youth Movement 1946-1968 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004)

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Rainer Münz and Ralf Ulrich

In Germany, as in many other European democracies, immigration

and citizenship are contested and contentious issues. In the German

case it was both the magnitude of postwar and recent immigration as

well as its interference with questions of identity that created political

and social conflict. As a result of World War II, the coexistence

of two German states, and the persistence of ethnic German minorities

in central and eastern Europe, (West) Germany’s migration and

naturalization policy was inclusive toward expellees, GDR citizens,

and co-ethnics. At the same time, the Federal Republic of Germany,

despite the recruitment of several million foreign labor migrants

and—until 1992—a relatively liberal asylum practice, did not develop

similar mechanisms and policies of absorption and integration of its

legal foreign residents.

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Brian C. Rathbun

Germany's behavior during the lead-up to the United States' invasion of Iraq in 2003 seemed to confirm that the country is marked by a strategic culture of pacifism and multilateralism. However, a closer look at German actions and pattern of participation in military operations reveals that German pacifism is a myth. There was no cross party consensus on German foreign policy in the 1990s around a principled opposition to the use of force. Even in the early years after the Cold War, the Christian Democrats began very quickly, albeit deliberatively and often secretively, to break down legal and psychological barriers to the deployment of German forces abroad. Pacifism persisted on the left of the political spectrum but gave way following a genuine ideological transformation brought about by the experience of the Yugoslav wars. The nature of Germany's objection to the Iraq invasion, which unlike previous debates did not make ubiquitous references to German history, revealed how much it has changed since the end of the Cold War. Had the election in 2002 gone differently, Germany might even have supported the actions of the U.S. and there would be little talk today of a transatlantic crisis. It is now possible to treat Germany as a "normal" European power.

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Migration in German Textbooks

Is Multiperspectivity an Adequate Response?

Barbara Christophe

This article raises the question of how German textbooks should deal with issues of migration as one of the main challenges in a globalizing age. In order to prepare the ground for a well-founded answer it follows a twofold agenda. In a rst step, previous attempts at analyzing textbook representations of migration are critically scrutinized and read against the background of current debates on methodological approaches to textbook research. In a second step, anthropological research on the structure of public German discourses on migration is cited as a key to developing a truly multiperspectival mode of representing it. Ultimately, the article demonstrates that education alone cannot be given the responsibility of clarifying questions that politics have failed to articulate and that pupils must be taught to participate competently in the discourse on migration policy. They should be familiarized with the various positions advocated in the political sphere, and simultaneously equipped with the necessary tools for critical re ection.