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Harlan Koff

The year 2000 may have marked the modernization of integration

politics in Italy, but immigration has been central to Italian politics

while integration, a secondary component of general immigration

politics, has received significantly less political and academic attention.

Scholars of racial and ethnic integration in Europe have documented

Italy’s fragmented integration model, as being characterized

by: social programs designed to help people; the separation of public

and voluntary sectors; a paternalistic voluntary sector allowing

little space for immigrant self-representation; a lack of continuity;

and difficulties in obtaining citizenship. Until 2000, immigration

politics focused not on qualitative issues regarding the transformation

of Italian society, but on quantitative questions concerning

Italy’s social and economic capacity to absorb migrants.

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Mark Donovan and Paolo Onofri

It is difficult to tell a story pretending not to know how it ends. This volume

is concerned with the political and politico-economic events that

took place in Italy during the course of 2007, but in reality it is implicitly

the story of an aborted legislature, the fifteenth in the Republic’s history,

which began in April 2006 and ended prematurely in January 2008.

Perhaps in anticipation of this outcome, the year 2007 was permeated

by a sense of deep political malaise. The government of Romano Prodi,

despite having been in office since only May 2006, and despite its reasonably

effective management of the economy, was weak and unpopular.

Its frailty was rooted, most immediately, in the election outcome,

which gave it a majority of just two in the Senate, and that outcome in

turn resulted in large part from the effects of the electoral system reform

introduced by the center-right government in December 2005. The purpose

of that reform—or counter-reform, as some prefer to call it—was to

minimize the scale of the government’s expected defeat or, reversing the

perspective, to render the center-left’s victory as marginal as possible.

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Camilla Devitt

“Rosarno: Immigrant revolt, hundreds of cars damaged” was the

alarming headline in La Repubblica on 7 January 2010. An immigrant

protest and ensuing episodes of violence in the small town of Rosarno

in Calabria in southern Italy were followed with intense interest by the

national and international media and prompted a heated public debate

in Italy. Upcoming regional elections and shared political responsibility

for immigration resulted in politicians blaming their opponents

for the disorder. Minister of the Interior Roberto Maroni’s immediate

response was to maintain that the events were the result of too much

tolerance toward undocumented immigrants. Following the discovery

that the majority of migrants involved were legally resident in Italy,

the government subsequently emphasized the role of inadequate labor

market controls and organized crime.

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Carlo Marletti

An electoral campaign is a complex process in which political

actors interact with the mass media in order to orient the voting

preferences and choices of the electorate. It is presumed – but cannot

be taken for granted – that the election campaign is the period

in which the use of propaganda and various forms of political

communication is at its peak. In fact, the interaction between

media and politics has long since become a structural given of contemporary

democracies,1 and periods in which significant political

communication campaigns are developed form part of a cycle that

has become independent of electoral deadlines. It can even be

hypothesised that election campaigns are becoming an ‘internal

moment’ of these larger cycles during which the climate of opinion

that is asserted compromises the election result, sometimes

anticipating the election outcome by even several months.

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Ruth Wittlinger

Angela Merkel came to power at a crucial time in regards to Germany's relationship with its past. Where would she position herself in light of Gerhard Schröder's approach that had offered a new way of accepting responsibility for the past and integrating it into the twenty-first century present by explicitly making it a key element of German national identity, but also in view of her East German biography? Would she continue and maybe even reinforce the institutionalization of Holocaust-centered memory and-given the forceful return of the topic of German victimhood-complement it with the institutionalization of the memory of German suffering, or would she emphasize the latter at the expense of the former? This paper attempts to answer these questions by examining Merkel's politics of the past during her first three years in office.

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Christopher S. Allen

Henry Farrell, The Political Economy of Trust: Institutions, Interests and Interfirm Cooperation in Italy and Germany (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

Jeremy Leaman, The Political Economy of Germany under Chancellors Kohl and Schroeder: Decline of the German Model? (New York: Berghahn, 2009)

Wolfgang Streeck, Re-Forming Capitalism: Institutional Change in the German Political Economy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009)

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Christopher E. Forth

Republic (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2015). Geoff Read, The Republic of Men: Gender and the Political Parties in Interwar France (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2014). In recent years, French historical scholarship has

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Law and Politics in Interwar France

Pierre Laroque's Search for a Democratic Corporatism

Eric Jabbari

Pierre Laroque, the architect of French social security, emerged during the 1930s as an advocate for the corporatist management of industrial relations. Laroque's corporatist views were an outgrowth of his educational background and his experiences as a young civil servant. A member of the Conseil d'État, he came under the influence of the main doctrines of French public law. During the first half of the twentieth century, legal thinkers such as Léon Duguit and Maurice Hauriou elaborated theoretical justifications for the growing interventionism of the state. As a student of the law, Pierre Laroque became concerned with maintaining the balance between the necessity of state intervention and the preservation of individual and collective rights, thus explaining his interest in administrative decentralization. By the mid-1930s, after being assigned to the Conseil National Économique, he became interested in industrial conflict and applied a similar approach to the issue of collective bargaining. Impressed by the social achievements of Fascist Italy, Laroque advocated the corporatist management of industrial relations, an objective that he promoted in a succession of political and intellectual forums associated with the nonconformist movement. A new collective bargaining mechanism would bring together the state, business, and labor in order to mediate and resolve industrial disputes. Unlike the Fascists, however, this form of corporatism did not break with democratic or republican principles; rather, it was a decentralized administrative structure that compensated for the weaknesses of the collective bargaining process while providing a new forum for the cultivation of social solidarity.

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Jutta Helm

This article examines the German response to Rwanda's genocide, an important concern that previous research largely has ignored. Like the United States, Great Britain, France (up to mid-June l994) and other powers, Germany chose the role of bystander, observing and condemning the genocide, but failing to act. At first glance, this might appear unsurprising. The frequently cited "culture of reticence" in foreign affairs would seem to explain this posture of inaction. However, a second look uncovers several factors that could lead one to expect a German engagement in efforts to halt the genocide. By l994, Germany had contributed military and medical units to ten humanitarian efforts, including two United Nations missions in Cambodia (1991-1993) and in Somalia (1992-1994). Moreover, the Federal Republic's staunch support for human rights, as well as its considerable diplomatic and foreign aid presence in Rwanda, might have suggested a visible response to the mounting evidence of genocide. Why did this not occur? Why was there so little public discussion of German obligations to take steps to halt the genocide? On the one hand, answers to these questions are important in order to test previous research on the factors that led to states' participation in humanitarian interventions. On the other, they are significant for the inner-German debate about history and memory. Can the memory of the Holocaust inform debates about Germany's international obligations? How and under what circumstances might considerations of political morality shape foreign policy decisions?

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Alberto Melloni

What impact did the so-called Vatileaks scandal have on Italian politics? And how deep were the connections between the Vatican and the Italian transition of political assets in 2012? This in-depth analysis shows that the problems of the Church in relation to the state came much before the 2012 crisis, namely, during the time of the reluctant submission of Catholic hierarchies to Berlusconism.