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Ernst B. Haas, Sally Roever, and Anna Schmidt

Contemporary interstate relations in Europe are proclaimed by

Europeans to be little short of ideal. Every nation and every state is

told to behave toward others as do the states of the European Union.

Inter-European relations, we are told, illustrate the norms to which

everyone should aspire. Moreover, the same civilized rules of political

behavior apply within each country.

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Editorial

As provincialized Europe expands

Don Kalb

For the new Eastern citizens of the European Union, the sprawling map of the budget airlines signifies an emergent geography of citizenship that weaves the continent together. Predictably, such spatial practices highlight the huge inequalities involved as well as the associated contrastive imaginations of what this new Europe could be about.

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Juan Monreal and Salvadora Titos

A few years ago Spain was not oriented on social quality but on economic growth at the most basic level. It was necessary to improve economic conditions and to restore and consolidate democracy in order to enable Spain to enter the European Union in 1986. Once a member, Spain set out to increase its economic, political and social standing and saw it approximating the European average on the majority of indicators. As we will see below, Spain still has to improve on some of the indicators in order to reduce some persistent imbalances in its socio-economic structure. Hence, the effort made by Spain for some years now must be maintained in order to consolidate its position at the heart of the European Union from a social quality perspective.

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Iñigo Sagardoy de Simón

To reach a proper understanding of what are the social challenges currently facing the European Union, one must first take a short look at what has happened in recent years, analysing both the successes and the difficulties which the union has had to confront. We have all been able to appreciate the profound changes which have taken place in Europe over the course of the past decade, due in the main to the two successive enlargements which increased the number of member-states to fifteen, and the two significant amendments to the treaties, the Single European Act and the Treaty on European Union, which made profound changes to the institutional and political framework of the union. Nor, however, can we overlook the two substantial financial packages which redefined the aims of the integration which have accompanied these developments and the resources for this.

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Bob Deacon, Lorenzo Fioramonti, and Sonja Nita

In many respects, Europe and Africa (particularly Southern Africa) represent two opposing examples in the study of intra-regional migration and social cohesion. The European Union (EU) has been a global pioneer in allowing freedom of movement and portability of social rights across member states. A centerpiece of the EU integration process has been the progressive establishment of a common market, in which goods, services, capital, and people can move freely. With regard to the latter, the concept of free movement originally only targeted the economically active population (in other words, the free movement of workers) but was gradually extended by Treaty amendments to all citizens of the EU. This extension was further strengthened by the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, which introduced the concept of citizenship in the European Union thereby establishing the fundamental and personal right to move and reside freely within the EU.

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Steven Weldon and Hermann Schmitt

Europe has been hit by a global financial crisis, and so has Germany. This crisis is associated, among European Union citizens, with the degree of support for European integration: those who are skeptical about the Euro and the debt crises in parts of the Eurozone tend also to be skeptical about European integration more generally. Our main question in this article is whether the pledges of political parties (as issued in their election manifestos) can add to our understanding of electoral choices in Germany. Relating German election results to the German data provided by the Comparative Manifesto Project MRG/CMP/MARPOR research tradition, our expectation is that political parties' European pledges have been irrelevant for the vote over half a century. Now that the European Union is rapidly moving in its postfunctional phase, the election of 2013 is expected to mark a turning point in that regard.

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Actually existing tomatoes

Politics of memory, variety, and empire in Latvian struggles over seeds

Guntra A. Aistara

In March 2012, a small farm in Latvia with a collection of over 200 tomato varieties was charged with the illegal sale of seeds not included in the European Union's Common Catalogue. The farm's collection includes traditional Latvian varieties that have never been officially registered, Western varieties imported illegally during the Soviet years, and Russian varieties that came into use during the Soviet years and are now defended by Latvian gardeners as "traditionally grown" and representing the taste of their childhoods. The debate highlighted the continuing struggle over Latvia's geopolitical positioning between Russia and the European Union and control over seeds as a tactic of empire. I explore the cultural memories embedded in the contested tomato seeds and how they contribute to an intertwined imaginary of the Latvian landscape idyll with a Soviet sociality. I argue that the innovative resolution to this conflict represents a process of transculturation in a contact zone between empires (Pratt 1992).

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Grant Amyot and Francesco Marangoni

In 2005, the flagging competitiveness of the Italian economy, which

had preoccupied journalistic and academic commentators for the past

two or three years, was brought forcefully to the attention of public

and politicians by the sudden upsurge of Third World competition,

especially from China. With the ending of the Multifiber Agreement

on 1 January, Chinese clothing and textile products were allowed free

entry into the European Union, and Italy, with its large number of

firms in this sector, was especially vulnerable.

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Kerry Whiteside

In December 1996, the European Union gave its authorization to sell transgenic corn for consumption and cultivation in Europe. Some EU memberstates, notably Austria and Italy, refused to allow any imports of genetically modified organisms (“GMOs” or “OGM” in French). Resistance of that sort was unexpected from France. In Europe, France was originally the country most interested in advancing research and applications in the area of agricultural biotechnology. Before GMOs became a matter of public controversy, France led Europe in deliberate release trials.

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The Social Quality of Citizenship

Three Remarks for Kindling a Debate

Ton Korver

Social rights were to be the completion of the citizenship status of all members within a political community. Through a variety of causes (their entanglement with the goals of full employment and the welfare state, the complexities of the political project of the European Union, and conceptual confusion) the development of these rights has been arrested. The article sketches some of the origins of the present predicament of (social) rights and (social) citizenship. The article is informed by the hope that the arguments it puts forward may contribute to a renewed discussion on the necessity and promises of an EU form of citizenship that is worth instituting and emulating.