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Metropolitan cooperation, theory and practice

Looking at Vancouver, BC, Canada

Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly

English abstract: In North America, why and how municipalities in large metropolitan areas cooperate is a pressing question. Both in Canada and the United States, the literature has been greatly influenced by the public choice views that rational actors have very limited rational or economic incentives to cooperate unless the state steps in to rule cooperation. But beyond the ideological debate, these views are about issues of regional cooperation public choice (polycentrism); (3) metropolitan governance (new regionalism); and (4) rescaling and re-territorialization, which are tightly linked to value systems where: a) metropolitan government centers on monocentric efficiency; b) public choice on polycentric efficiency; c) metropolitan governance on equity and competitiveness; and d) rescaling and re-territorialization centers on global competitiveness. These discussions set the stage for this paper's main argument: in North America, the Greater Vancouver Regional District is an exemplary commitment to metropolitan cooperation.

Spanish abstract: En Norteamérica esta emergiendo una pregunta urgente: ¿por qué y cómo cooperan los municipios de las grandes áreas metropolitanas? En Canadá y Estados Unidos, la literatura ha sido fuertemente influenciada por la teoría del public choice, según la cuál los actores racionales tienen muy escasos incentivos racionales o económicos para cooperar, a menos que el estado intervenga y ordene la cooperación. Obviamente, más allá del debate ideológico, estas visiones abordan asuntos de cooperación regional desde varias perspectivas normativas: (1) el gobierno metropolitano (antiguo regionalismo); (2) public choice (policentrismo); (3) gobierno metropolitano (nuevo regionalismo); y (4) reorganización escalar y re-territorialización, transformaciones que se conectan estrechamente al sistema de valores donde: a) el gobierno metropolitano se centra en la eficiencia monocéntrica, b) la public choice sobre la eficiencia policéntrica, c) la gobernanza metropolitana en la equidad y la competitividad, y d) la reorganizacion escalar y reterritorialización se enfoca sobre competitividad global. Estas discusiones preparan el escenario para el principal argumento de este artículo: en Norteamérica, el Gran Distrito Regional de Vancouver es probablemente un compromiso ejemplar de cooperación metropolitana.

French abstract: En Amérique du Nord une question pressante se pose, à savoir pourquoi et comment les municipalités des grandes métropoles coopèrent. Tant au Canada qu'aux États-Unis la litérature a été fortement influencée par la théorie du choix public, selon laquelle les acteurs rationnels ne trouvent que très peu d'incitations rationnelles ou économiques qui les incitent à coopérer, à moins que l'État n'intervienne pour ordonner la coopération. Il est toutefois évident que, derrière le débat idéologique, ces débats abordent les questions de coopération régionale à partir de différentes perspectives normatives, (1) le gouvernement métropolitain (ancien régionalisme), (2) le choix public (polycentrisme), (3) la gouvernance métropolitaine (nouveau régionalisme), et (4) la réorganisation scalaire et la reterritorialisation, des transformations qu'elles relient étroitement à des systèmes de valeurs, où : a) le gouvernement métropolitain se centre sur l'efficacité monocentriste, b) le choix public sur l'efficacité polycentriste, c) la gouvernance métropolitaine sur l'équité et la compétitivité, et d) la réorganisation scalaire et la reterritorialisation se focalisent sur la compétitivité globale. Ces discussions forment la toile de fond du principal sujet de cet article : en Amérique du Nord, le Greater Vancouver Regional District constitue probablement un compromis exemplaire en matière de coopération métropolitaine.

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Garrett W. Brown

In the preceding article Alejandro Agafonow explores the idea of incorporating market-based approaches into the structure of The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in order to address particular deliberative and democratic shortcomings (Agafonow 2011). This exploration was in response to an article I wrote on safeguarding deliberative global governance within the Global Fund and with particular deliberative deficits that were highlighted within that article (Brown 2010). In my article, it was argued that the decision- making capacity of the Global Fund suffered from a deliberative deficit in that donor members enjoyed an unfair advantage in boardroom deliberations due to two structural inequalities. First, donors enjoyed an unfair deliberative advantage because of their ability to utilise an effective veto, which manifested itself in the form of possible threats in the reduction of future donations if specific initiatives passed. Second, donors often enjoyed an unfair negotiating position due to their ability to meet prior to Board meetings and thus possessed an ability to create donor caucuses where collective voting strategies could be formulated. It was concluded that these two conditions created real perceptions of unequal deliberation between donor and non-donor Board members and therefore threatened to render the Global Fund’s multisectoral mandate for creating deliberative decision-making via agreed consensus as mere window-dressing for an obfuscated form of multilateral power politics as usual. In responding to this deliberative deficit, I argued that certain regulative devices should be incorporated into the Global Fund Framework Document as a means to safeguard deliberative procedures constitutionally within the multisectoral Global Fund Board.

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Regional free movement of people

The case of African Regional Economic Communities

Sonja Nita

English abstract: While the idea of global free movement of people is discussed merely in normative terms, it has become a concrete policy goal in different world regions. The article aims to assess the prospects of regional free movement by discussing its theoretical and practical implications, with a specific focus on African sub-regional organizations. This is achieved by outlining the meaning, rights, and rationale of the free movement of people and by situating the regional level within the overall context of international migration governance. The eight African Regional Economic Communities serve as a practical illustration on how the goal of free movement is translated (or not) into concrete policies.

Spanish abstract: Aunque la idea de la libre circulación mundial de personas se discute sólo en términos normativos, se ha convertido en un objetivo político concreto en diferentes regiones del mundo. Este artículo tiene como objetivo evaluar las posibilidades de libre circulación regional (continental), discutiendo sus implicaciones teóricas y prácticas, con un enfoque específico en las organizaciones subregionales africanas. Esto se logra delineando el significado, los derechos y la razón de ser de la libre circulación de personas, y situando el nivel regional dentro del contexto general de la gobernanza de la migración internacional. Las ocho comunidades económicas regionales de África sirven como un ejemplo práctico de cómo se traduce el objetivo de la libre circulación, o no, en políticas concretas.

French abstract: Bien que l'idée de la libre circulation mondiale des personnes soit essentiellement traitée en termes normatifs, elle est devenue un objectif politique concret dans différentes régions du monde. Cet article vise à évaluer les perspectives de la libre circulation régionale en discutant de ses implications théoriques et pratiques, avec un accent particulier sur les organisations sous régionales africaines. Ceci est réalisé en soulignant la signification, les droits et la justification de la libre circulation des personnes et en situant l'échelle régionale dans le contexte global de la gouvernance de la migration internationale. Les huit communautés économiques régionales africaines constituent un exemple concret de la façon dont l'objectif de la libre circulation se traduit (ou non) par des politiques concrètes.

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Guiding Girls

Neoliberal Governance and Government Educational Resource Manuals in Canada

Lisa Smith and Stephanie Paterson

themselves without the need for state intervention. Foucault’s (1994) notion of biopower illuminates the ways in which modern governance involves the monitoring, documenting, and directing of the health and wellness of the population as a whole through a

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Zoe Bray and Christian Thauer

social responsibility, social movements, transnational advocacy networks and NGOs, and governance. Conflict: Naming and Shaming Corporate social responsibility can empower local communities in conflict with firms and is, therefore, potentially a means to

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Adaptation Lived as a Story

Why We Should Be Careful about the Stories We Use to Tell Other Stories

Nicole Klenk

climate change adaptation research and the various governance challenges that researchers have identified in other adaptation case studies. A recent review shows an overwhelming tendency of climate change adaptation scholars to treat local knowledges as a

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Infrastructures of progress and dispossession

Collective responses to shrinking water access among farmers in Arequipa, Peru

Astrid Oberborbeck Andersen

channels the interest of farmers in all of Peru (broadly speaking), advocates for water as a public good, and has protested strongly against intentions to privatize water rights as a result of state programs of minimizing state governance of water. In 1989

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Refugia Roundtable

Imagining Refugia: Thinking Outside the Current Refugee Regime

Nicholas Van Hear, Veronique Barbelet, Christina Bennett, and Helma Lutz

transnational collectivity Refugia), and the municipal administrations of some liberal-run megacities do likewise—sometimes against the wishes of the authoritarian nation-states in which they lie. Governance The constituent components of the Refugia polity are

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Carmen Maganda and Harlan Koff

Regions & Cohesion aims to foster dialogue on the human and environmental impacts of regional integration processes. The mission of the journal is purposely defined broadly so as to create as wide an inter-regional dialogue as possible on issues affecting communities throughout the world. As the introduction to the first issue of volume one clearly stated, our goal is move people rather than territories to the center of debates on regional integration.

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Andrea Behrends

The area around the border of Sudan and Chad, where Darfur lies, has been an unimportant and unknown backwater throughout history. Today, however, Darfur is all over the international press. Everybody knows about the grim war there. There is no oil currently in production in Darfur. However, there is oil in the south of neighboring Chad and in Southern Sudan, and there might be oil in Darfur. This article considers a case of fighting for oil when there is no oil yet. It takes into account the role of local actors doing the fighting, that is, the army, rebels, and militias; national actors such as the Sudanese and Chadian governments; and international actors, such as multinational oil companies, the United States, China, and the United Nations. It explains how oil can have disintegrative consequences even when it is still only a rumor about a future possibility.