A history of urban floods underlines the state's efforts to discipline people as well as to control floodwaters. We focus on two big cities in Southeast Asia—Singapore and Metro Manila—in the period from after World War II until the 1980s. During this period, both cities traversed similar paths of demographic and socioeconomic change that had an adverse impact on the incidence of flooding. Official responses to floods in Singapore and Manila, too, shared the common pursuit of two objectives. The first was to tame nature by reducing the risk of flooding through drainage and other technical measures, as implemented by a modern bureaucracy. The second was to discipline human nature by eradicating “bad” attitudes and habits deemed to contribute to flooding, while nurturing behavior considered civic-minded and socially responsible. While Singapore's technocratic responses were more effective overall than those in Metro Manila, the return of floodwaters to Orchard Road in recent years has highlighted the shortcomings of high modernist responses to environmental hazards. This article argues that in controlling floods—that is, when nature is deemed hazardous—the state needs to accommodate sources of authority and expertise other than its own.
Kah Seng Loh and Michael D. Pante
Lam Yee Man
in the 1980s—ozone depletion—resulted in the banning of the use of chlorofluorocarbon (CFC). Risk drives change because risk, according to Ulrich Beck, is disruptive and subversive. Risk refers to “calculable uncertainties,” a problem generated by
This article examines the changes in social movements, in particular the peace movement since the late 1970s, their processes of differentiation as well as their connections to older aspects of the movements. Of particular interest is the breadth of the peace movement, which succeeded in mobilizing several hundred thousand persons at the beginning of the 1980s. How points of conflict developed between this movement and an antiwar movement led by a “new youth movement” around 1980 is the focus of this article.
Mirko M. Hall
-wing position.” 15 By the mid 1980s, this new position would lead to unrelenting accusations of neofascist sympathies. Instead of pursuing his “vague plans to go to University to study to be a teacher of Economic and Social History,” 16 Pearce became an
Audible in the technological aesthetics of West German post punk is a 1980s strategy for escaping the political, cultural, and aesthetic contradictions of a nation trapped by the compulsion to, reconstruction of, and march toward a democratic state
On Writing, New Wave, and the Ends of Cultural Studies
thought that I would eventually do that very thing to an author I knew inside out, namely myself… 2 Looking Back at the Late 1980s Beginning in the late 1980s, a paradigm shift among North American Germanists gained momentum to renegotiate the German
Erland Mårald and Erik Westholm
the late 1970s; in the 1980s, fertilizer use decreased and reports of fungus damage to exotic tree plantations led to their significant reduction ( Lindkvist et al. 2011 ). In Germany, alarm was raised in the early 1980s about reduced forest growth and
important phenomenon in West Germany’s political culture in the 1970s and 1980s. Heeding Rudi Dutschke’s call for a “long march through the institutions,” individuals with backgrounds at least as colorful as Fischer’s entered the Federal Republic’s political
Iver B. Neumann
to Europe and the West. When Michael Gorbachev eased censorship as part of his perestroika politics of the late 1980s, the debate about Europe once again came to the fore. The state, and a whole string of public voices, wanted Russia to be “a normal
Temporary Nodes of Resistance to Capitalism
This article assesses squatted social centers in London as a means to understand the cycles, contexts and institutionalization processes of the local squatters movement. This diffuse social movement had its heyday in the late 1970s and early 1980s when there were 30,000 squatters and still exists today despite squatting in residential buildings being criminalized in 2012. Analysis is based on a database of 245 social centers, which are examined in terms of duration, time period, type of building and location. Important centers are briefly profiled and important factors affecting the squatters movement are examined, in particular institutionalization, gentrification, and criminalisation.