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Tom Rockmore

9/11 represents less a tear in the fabric of history, or a break with the past, than an inflection in ongoing historical processes, such as the continued expansion of capitalism that at some recent time has supposedly attained a level of globalization. This paper considers the relation of war and politics with respect to three instances arising in the wake of 9/11, including the war in Afghanistan, the war in Iraq, and finally the global war on terror (GWT). I argue that these wars are superficially dissimilar, but that on a deeper level they all relate to a single ideological position that is an important motivation in current US foreign policy, and that this position is further related to capitalism.

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Gökçe Yurdakul

This article examines how German Turks employ the German Jewish trope to establish an analogous discourse for their own position in German society. Drawing on the literature on immigrant incorporation, we argue that immigrants take more established minority groups as a model in their incorporation process. Here, we examine how German Turks formulate and enact their own incorporation into German society. They do that, we argue, by employing the master narrative and socio-cultural repertoire of Germany's principal minority, German Jewry. This is accomplished especially in relation to racism and antisemitism, as an organizational model and as a political model in terms of making claims against the German state. We argue that in order to understand immigrant incorporation, it is not sufficient to look at state-immigrant relations only—authors also need to look at immigrant groups' relationships with other minority groups.

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Paul Stephenson

The Canada/U.S. border has not shifted physically in many years but psychologically the border is in a very different place today than before 9/11. While the various agreements of the late 1900s seemed to indicate that the border was becoming an informal formality, the events of 9/11 resulted in a significant increase in wait times as security protocols were tightened. This review article considers recent scholarship on border mobility, waiting, and their implications moving forward.

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The scope, compass and nature of the United States of America’s power in the post-9/11 context has run as a thematic thread through recent issues of Theoria.

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The Muslim Presence in France and the United States

Its Consequences for Secularism

Jocelyne Cesari

All too often, the question of Muslim minorities in Europe and America is discussedsolely in socioeconomic terms or with a simplistic focus on the Islamicreligion and its purported incompatibility with democracy. This article focusesinstead on the secularism of Western host societies as a major factor in the integrationof Muslim minorities. It compares French and American secularismand argues that while French-style secularism has contributed to present tensionsbetween French Muslims and the French state, American secularism hasfacilitated the integration of Muslims in the United States—even after 9/11.

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Roger Deacon, Ben Parker, Herman C. Waetjen, and Lasse Thomassen

Humanity, Terrorism, Terrorist War: Palestine, 9-11, Iraq, 7-7..., by Ted Honderich Roger Deacon

The Struggle for Meaning: Reflections on Philosophy, Culture and Democracy in Africa, by Paulin J. Hountondji Ben Parker

The Rationalists: Descartes, Spinoza and Leibniz by Pauline Phemister Herman C. Waetjen

The Divided West by Jürgen Habermas Lasse Thomassen

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Self-discipline in a Time of Terror

U.S. Foreign Policy and the U.S. Self

Robin W. Cameron

Why is it that one feels as though they have to say that 9/11 was a ‘tragic’, ‘terrible’ or ‘horrific’ event? Why is this inclination intensified if one seeks to comment critically on U.S. politics? Is it not clear that death on that scale and in that manner is without exception horrific, terrible and tragic? Or, is it that as a critical scholar I feel compelled to clarify that I am not with the terrorists simply because I intend to critique aspects of U.S. foreign policy? The point of this is not to argue that one should stop referring to 9/11 as ‘horrific’, ‘terrible’ or ‘tragic’, but rather to examine what causes individuals to monitor the way in which they act when they engage with a powerful foreign policy consensus.

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America's Quest for Global Hegemony

Offensive Realism, the Bush Doctrine, and the 2003 Iraq War

Carlos L. Yordán

Research in the discipline of international relations finds that the great democratic powers are less likely to pursue revisionist policies. This investigation challenges this argument by showing that the United States' decision to oust Saddam Hussein's regime in March 2003 was consistent with a modified version of John Mearsheimer's theory of offensive realism, which finds that great powers' motivation is global hegemony. This article is divided into three sections. The first section considers the value of Mearsheimer's theory and reworks it by adding domestic variables to explain why states abandon defensive strategies for offensive ones. The second section shows how pre-9/11 American foreign policy strategy was, for the most part, status quo oriented, and section three explains why and how the Bush administration introduced a revisionist foreign policy strategy after the 9/11 attacks. This investigation concludes by showing how the 2003 Iraq War is the first step in the United States' quest for global hegemony.

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Maureen Maisha Eggers

In diesem Beitrag diskutiere ich die schulische Situation von Jugendlichen

mit einem türkischen Hintergrund im Kontext ihrer (Selbst-) Einordnung als

People of Color bzw. als rassistisch markierte Subjekte. Insbesondere in

einer Gesellschaft die auch stark von der Post-9/11 medialen Berichterstattung

geprägt ist, ist die starke Rassifizierung von Jugendlichen of Color mit

einem türkischen Hintergrund zunehmend deutlich geworden. Diese

Erfahrungen der Rassifizierung führen bei antidiskriminierungsengagierte

Jugendlichen mit einem türkischen Hintergrund, in vielen Fällen, zu Solidarisierungen

mit Schwarzen (Deutschen) Jugendlichen. Rassismuserfah -

rungen vereinen damit gewissermaßen antidiskriminierungsengagierte

Jugendliche of Color. Die Praxis dieser Jugendlichen of Color, betrachte ich

vor dem Hintergrund der offiziellen Diversitätsbekundungen von Berliner

Schulen. Dabei fällt auf, dass Diversität als neues Label offenbar nicht zu

einer Verminderung ihrer Diskriminierung führt. Es geht mir darum, die

anhaltende soziale Ungleichheit, die sich in Bildungsinstitutionen in der Alltagspraxis

beständig aktualisiert zu konkretisieren. Ich beziehe mich auf rassismuskritische

Thematisierungen von hierarchisierter Differenz durch

Schülerinnen of Color. Es handelt sich hierbei um Jugendliche, die sich ganz

bewusst im Sinne einer Antidiskriminierungsarbeit an ihrer Schule

engagieren. Sie lenken durch ihre hegemoniekritischen Diskussionen den

Blick auf vorhandene Formate, Inhalte und Barrieren der Thematisierung

von Heterogenität, sowie auf die diskursiven Intersektionen von Ausschlüssen

an (Berliner) Schulen. Diversität scheint hier als Begriff—auf dem

ersten Blick—gut geeignet, um Fragen der Benachteiligung und der strukturellen

Diskriminierung, die in enger Wechselwirkung mit Heterogenität

bestehen, wahrnehmbar zu machen. Dass solche Bekenntnisse nicht eine

automatische Lösung bedeuten, sondern sogar zu einem Bestandteil des Problems werden können ist eine zentrale Argumentation dieses Beitrags. In

Anknüpfung an dieser Kritik argumentiere ich, dass Diversität als neues

bzw. als neoliberalistisches Label ein oberflächliches Verständnis von Toleranz

und Akzeptanz eingefasst ist, und dass durch ihre plakative Ausrichtung

das Ziel der Gleichstellung als erreicht gefeiert wird, obwohl die Hierarchien

weiterhin fest an ihrem Platz bleiben.

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Ted Honderich

Democracy has been justified as the political system whose citizens are sovereign, which is to say most free or most equal in their political experience, participation or consent, and most likely to be benefited by economic freedoms. Most importantly, democracy is recommended as that form of government which gets things more right than any other form of government. But this traditional view, and also more recent qualifications of this view, is simply inadequate, refuted and rendered nonsensical by very real electoral, wealth, income and power inequalities in democratic societies. Nevertheless, it is this kind of hierarchic democracy, like those of the United States and the United Kingdom, whose systems of government are exactly not true to the idea that two heads are better than one and more heads better than two, which reaches to judgements about Palestine, 9/11, Iraq, 7/7 and about all that is to come after those things.